@article { author = {اسفندیاری مهنی, زهرا}, title = {Analysis of astronomers position in society and the rule of the Safavid era}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {1-26}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.9107.1647}, abstract = {Introduction The formation of the Safavi dynasty in Iran was important in several aspects that the most important was: the restoration of the national unity of Iran and the officialization of the Shiite religion. In fact, the Safavi government may was the first national far-reaching government After-Islam in Iran,that, while established the principles of governmet based on religion, also emphasized on te territorial integrity of the country. Cultural and civilian approaches were manifested in the refuge of the security and comfort that Safavi kings had established in the territory of Iran. During this period, many arts, crafts, and sciences such as painting, poetry, music, jurisprudence, tradition, philosophy, and theology were considered and grown so fast that in each of them, the special style and the school were created to the extent that the Safavi period can be culturally considered one of the most important periods of Islamic history in Iran. Therefore, Safavi government is also important in Iranian history, in addition to being an indicator of developments in various fields, in the cultural and social contexts. The main pillars of Iranian culture and civilization were consolidated with the formation of national identity during this period and over time. Accordingly, study about culture and civilization of the Safavi period is so important because in this case, also, the Safavian were inheritors of a rich heritage that had been formed since the time they came to power and, when the Safavian took the power, this rich heritage became richer and stronger.   Method This study assesses the tasks and duties of astronomers position in the Safavi period, using descriptive-analytical method and based on number one historical references, especially European travel books and library tools. The main question of the study is: What position did astronomers have and how much influence did they have on Safavi period on related government? The research findings indicate that astronomer was one of the most important positions in the Safavi government, which was always at the side of the king, and the king never managed to do anything without his advice and his permission, and all the astronomers worked under his sight.This illustrates the credibility and importance of astronomers in the Safavi period.   Discussion Astronomy and knowledge of astronomy Although in the historical periods before the formation of the Safavi, was well-developed and significant and various innovations were presented by Iranian astronomers and scientists. But during the Safavi period, astronomy entered a new stage. It seems that in this period, the empirical and technical sciences, including the astronomy, lacked this luck and did not achieve a high position. Although astronomy in Iran has had a long history and is one of the most important fields of Iranian scientific activities. Some years it has grown to the high level in Iran, especially in the fourth and fifth centuries. Because of the presence of remarkable scholars and astronomers such as Abu Reyhan Biruni and Ibne Sina astronomy has been grown alot. With the formation of the Safavi government, a new era of attention to astronomy began. Astronomy had a significant growth in this period due to its considerable attention to stars and the fortune. Meanwhile, during this period, the astronomers had important position in the Safavi court,and astronomer was one of the most important positions in Safavi that the king did not do anything without asking his idea and taking his instruction.According to the writings have left from this period,particularly, the reports of foreign travelers, Safavi astronomers owe their position because of the king's ignorance of the reality of this science and its rules. Anyay, in this period we can point out the scientists that, in spite of the lack of resources and facilities, were the author of this science and wrote some great works about this subject. Accordingly, the main question of this study is: What position did astronomers have and how much influence did they have on the Safavi period.   4.Conclusion Astronomy and knowledge of astronomy Although in the historical periods before the formation of the Safavi, was well-developed and significant and various innovations were presented by Iranian astronomers and scientists. But during the Safavi period, astronomy entered a new stage. It seems that in this period, the empirical and technical sciences, including the astronomy, lacked this luck and did not achieve a high position. Although astronomy in Iran has had a long history and is one of the most important fields of Iranian scientific activities. Some years it has grown to the high level in Iran, especially in the fourth and fifth centuries. Because of the presence of remarkable scholars and astronomers such as Abu Reyhan Biruni and Ibne Sina astronomy has been grown alot. With the formation of the Safavi government, a new era of attention to astronomy began. Astronomy had a significant growth in this period due to its considerable attention to stars and the fortune. Meanwhile, during this period, the astronomers had important position in the Safavi court,and astronomer was one of the most important positions in Safavi that the king did not do anything without asking his idea and taking his instruction.According to the writings have left from this period,particularly, the reports of foreign travelers, Safavi astronomers owe their position because of the king's ignorance of the reality of this science and its rules. Anyay, in this period we can point out the scientists that, in spite of the lack of resources and facilities, were the author of this science and wrote some great works about this subject. Accordingly, the main question of this study is: What position did astronomers have and how much influence did they have on the Safavi period}, keywords = {Keywords: Safavid,astronomy,astronomer,community,government}, title_fa = {بررسی وتحلیل جایگاه منجمان در جامعه وحکومت عصر صفویه}, abstract_fa = {چکیده علم نجوم و ستاره‌شناسی به دلیل کاربردهای مختلفی که در زندگی انسان‌ها داشته، یکی از مهم‌ترین علوم بشری می‌باشد که در ادوار تاریخی گذشته مورد توجه مردم و صاحبان حکومت قرار گرفته است. و به تبع آن، باعث توجه و اهمیت دادن به منجمان و تربیت آن‌ها شده است. در دوره صفویه نیز پادشاهان به ستاره‌شناسی و اطلاع از اوضاع و احوال و سرنوشت افلاک که توسط منجمان و اخترشناسان صورت می‌گرفت، بیش از آنچه که مهم بود و صحت داشت اهمیت می‌دادند. پژوهش پیش رو در چارچوب وظایف و جایگاه منجمان در جامعه و حکومت عصر صفوی و با روش توصیفی – تحلیلی و بر مبنای منابع دست اول تاریخی به ویژه سفرنامه های سیاحان اروپایی و به روش کتابخانه ای به بررسی و تحلیل موضوع مورد نظر می پردازد. و با استفاده از منابع دست اول تاریخی و تحقیقاتی به دنبال پاسخ این پرسش است که، منجمان در جامعه و حکومت عصر صفوی در چه جایگاهی بوده اند و به چه میزان در حکومت مورد نظر نفوذ و تأثیر داشته اند؟ بر اساس گزارش صریح منابع این دوره به ویژه سفرنامه نویسان اروپایی، منجم‌باشی یکی از مهم‌ترین مناصب درباری در تشکیلات حکومتی صفویه بوده است که، همیشه در کنار شاه حضور داشت و شاه هرگز بدون مشورت و اجازه‌ی او دست به کاری نمی‌زد و در ضمن تمام منجمان زیر نظر او کار می‌کردند. این امر نشان‌دهنده اعتبار و اهمیت این مقام نزد پادشاهان است.}, keywords_fa = {واژگان کلیدی : صفویه,نجوم,منجمان,جامعه,حکومت}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2323.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2323_5feb18f6e76cf43fa0c009616ba10382.pdf} } @article { author = {amirinezhad, amir and معروفی, صلاح الدین and رحمن ستایش, مریم}, title = {Persis Local Government (Frataraka) Coins}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {27-55}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.10053.1715}, abstract = {1. Introduction The history of Persis (local Persian kings) during Seleucid and Parthian dynasties has reconstructed more likely on classification and study of their left over coins. As Achaemeniad Empire fell down and Seleucid and Parthian dynasties rose, Fars State announced its autonomy for a while, and the rulers were local governors. Pre-Sassanid coins are the most important documents of the era which could give a better understanding of the region. As for the classification of coins, the first group introduces four kings who have called themselves “Frataraka”. These coins are similar to the Achaemeniad coins indicating the affiliation of Frataraka to that big dynasty. There are also signs of typical Seleucid styles and coins.   2. Methodology  With a documentary study of Frataraka coins, the present article aimed to examine lines and motifs depicted on these coins and accordingly find an answer to the question over the lines and motifs of Frataraka coins. The present article has carried out as a field and library study in order to discuss the question with a correct theory. The theory says the lines and motifs of coins resulted by the recreation of historical memory of Frataraka toward the bright past of Achaemeniad dynasty.   3. Discussion    According to the historical documents, Alexander of Macedon, in his attack on Iran and its capture, implied the most severe blows to the Persian body and suppressed any opposition and riot against him in the area (Plutarch, 1990, 7-456; Olmstead, 1993, 2-721; Wilken, 1997, 4-193). After the death of Alexander about 323 B.C., his commanders started fighting each other well known as Diadochoi. There was a fight between two famous commanders of Alexander (Eumenes and one-eyed Antigone) in Susiana and Media in which Antigone won and minted coins in Susa in 316-318 B.C. (Bellinger, 1950: 45). Peucestas, one of famous Alexander commander, was the Persis ruler back then who adopted soft policy towards the natives, with the Persis background. He empowered Persis authorities and shared his power with them (Bevan, 1902: 42). Strabo suggests that Persia was tributary to Macedonia (Edson, 1958: 158). Seleucus, in the Western parts of the empire, conquered Mesopotamia in 312 B.C. and fought against Antigone in in Ipsos battle in 304 B.C. and he managed to win the battle, conquered Persia, and established Seleucid dynasty. He minted coins in 300 B.C. in Susa and Pasargadae (Jenkins, 1978: 198). These events reflect the removal of Peucestas in Persis. Though it is not clear when exactly Persis tried to revive its power, there is little information available on relationships between Seleucus and Antiochus I with Persis. It can be said that, because of the marriage between Seleucus and Apameh, daughter of Spitamenes, the relationships can be considered good, it could put the Seleucus legitimacy among the people in danger as there was no Persian race sensitivity (Wiesm,ehöfer, 2009, 37). Seleucus in 281 B.C. put his son Antiochus as the ruler of Asia and he went to Macedonia. Antiochus set up so many cities and colonies and the remains of Hellenistic pottery in Takht Hill and Pasargadae and Zahak Hill enclosure in South West of Shiraz show that the Seleucids established colonies in the region (Mohamadifar, 2015: 151). Antiochus I was killed in 261 B.C. in Sardis while suppressing a local riot (Rajabi, 2002: 34). Antiochus II also known as Theus (God) sat on the throne as his father successor. He then was poisoned to death by his wife Laodice to make Seleucus II, also known as Callinicos (lustrous conqueror), sat on the throne. What Herzfeld wrote about the history of Persis shows that the Persis kings established the Frataraka government in 300 B.C. But Herzfeld was not sure about the exact date, as he mentioned the date to be 150 B.C. Based on the discovered Frataraka coins by Herzfeld, Newell suggests the relative independence date to be 280 B.C. He adds the successors of Alexander went into war to seize power and the Frataraka seized the opportunity to mint coins and could keep its semi-independence rule before the Molon uprising. Hill suggests the first Frataraka that is Bagadat coin minted in 250 B.C. (Hill, 1967, 397-405). However, Koch believes that Bagadat has carried out his nationalist movement in the half of third century B.C. (Koch, 1988, 89-95). Nevertheless, he does not regard it as a complete independence. DeMorgan and Stiehl, based on the coins from the Frataraka, suggest it to be 220 B.C. (Stiehl, 1959, 375-379). Therefore, he has considered the Persian massacre coincided with the emergence of Bagadat and it was after Antiochus that he has minted coins. Concluding the theories discussed, it was not possible for the nationalism of Frataraka to be occurred before the time of Seleucus I, as the historical books suggest there were the Macedonian rulers of Persis before 312 B.C. Schmitt believes that Persis has been ruled by the great Antiochus’ supporters but he reveals no new evidence for confirmation (Schmitt, 1964, 50). The present research, with the historical events in this period, suggests that Bagadat could not mint the first Persis coins before the killing of Antiochus I in 261 B.C., on the other hand, during the post-Antiochus I that the Persian natives had military and royal positions (it was common to empower the Persian natives since Peucestas) seized the opportunity and controlled the region during the reign of Antiochus II and they announced independency and minted coins due to the weakness of the Seleucid kings and civil wars during the reign of Seleucus II and III (246 B.C – 223 B.C.). Historical events especially the Ptolemy III’s attack to Persis, Media and Susa and weakness of Seleucid government and Parthian revolt in East indicate that there was local government in Persis. In other words, just saying that Bagadat minted coins in 220 B.C. could not have historical support as the historical books mention Iskandar, he was the ruler of Persis who led a riot against Antiochus III helped by his brother and ruler of Median ruler Molon. The king of Egypt, Ptolemy III (238 B.C.) fought against the Seleucus II, passed the Euphrates and conquered Mesopotamia, Babylon, Susa, Persepolis (Pars) and Media. Arsaces seized the opportunity to defeat Andragoras and claimed the throne. Seleucus managed to compromise with Ptolemy and went eastward about 238-9 B.C. and could not do much deal and Tiridates established Parthian dynasty building the city of Dara or Darium (Gotschmidt, 2009: 54-57). Antiochus III, also known as the Great Antiochus, rose to power in 223 B.C. In his reign, Molon, the Median ruler helped by his brother Iskandar, the Persis ruler, run riot and took the throne. Wiesehofer recalled the riot to be in 205 B.C. (Wiesehofer, 2007:40). He easily conquered Babylon, Eritrea Sea bank (Persian Gulf and Oman Sea), Susa (excepting Susa enclosure) and nearly Mesopotamia. The king alerted and he personally intervened to suppress Molon and managed to defeat him near the city of Apolloniatis. The uprising shows that the Seleucids have controlled Persis years before 220 B.C. Afterwards, Antiochus went eastward and convinced Arsaces to surrender and made them tributary to himself. However, war against the Romans warned the end of Antiochus power. In a war about 190 B.C. in Magnesia (Anatoly), Antiochus defeated by the Romans and accepted the heavy terms of Apame peace treaty (188 B.C.). To pay the tribute to the Romans, Antiochus marched out to Susa and Persis in 187 B.C. He intended to loot the Bell Temple in Elymais (Holleaux, 1942 : 254). However, he confronted with the resistance of Susan natives. It predisposed the riots of Susa and Ajapir (Izeh) which ultimately Elymaian established a local government in 147 B.C. led by Kamnaskires. The weakness of Antiochus III since 190 B.C. until his attack in 187 B.C. and the start of civil revolts in Susa made a proper ground for Artaxerxes I to mint coins in Persis. According to the historical events, his coins could not have been minted during the authority of Antiochus III (before 190 B.C.). At the other hand, years after 175 B.C. are the authority of the Antiochus IV that the historical books show he conquered Armenia, Media and the Persian Gulf shores. This charge of Antiochus IV occurred before 162 B.C. Then with the historical events the minting date of Artaxeres I coins can be considered about 190 B.C. to 175 B.C. (Amirinezhad et al. 2015: 14). Antiochus IV (Epiphanies) who was a competent king sat on the throne in 175 B.C. He organized the ruling financial affairs; then charged his army across the Euphrates to raise the taxes. He first came to Armenia, though they apparently were belong to the new king of Seleucid dynasty but actually refused to obey the king’s orders. Antiochus charged to the Persian Gulf shores to lead Persis once he conquered Armenia and Media. This charge of Seleucid king indicates that the Seleucids had not ruled Persis during 187 B.C. to 175 B.C. Antiochus IV attacked the Temple of Nanaya in Elymais about 162 B.C. but his charge did not work and the settlers took up guns and prevented the desecration to the temple. Therefore, the Seleucid king forced to withdraw empty handed and went to Persis. He got sick along the way and passed away in the city of Gabiana. As Polybius, Diodorus and Appiano quoted, Antiochus passed away due to a deadly disease reveled by the heaven (Kennedy Eddie, 2002: 184). Death of Antiochus started the fall of Seleucids so that civil wars and royal disagreements were at their peak with Antiochus V sat on the throne, it coincided with the minting of first Elymais local government coins in Ayapir and Susa. The historical books illustrate the years after 162 B.C. full of chaos and massacre in territories ruled by the Seleucids. Demetrius killed Antiochus IV brutally, and Alexander Ballas killed Demetrius in Syria in 150 B.C. This period (162 B.C – 150 B.C.) is the most logical time for minting the Vahuburze coins due to the excessive weakness of Seleucid kings and their attention to the western lands, as they could not mint coins before 162 B.C. due to the authority of Antiochus IV. At the other hand, in the years after 150 B.C., Alexander Ballas’ attack to Susa and Persis has been mentioned in the historical books and then he conquered Persis and Elymais. Therefore, it is more likely that Vahuburze coins were minted during 162 B.C. – 150 B.C. Polianus quoted in the Seventh book that the Macedoniam ruler of Persis thought of killing 3000 Persians. He gathered and lured them with some excuses rounded by an army of 300 cavalries and 3000 heavy infantries and massacred them. Polianus added Vahuburze scattered 3000 Greek soldiers among the Persian people and put them in the Persian houses and ordered to massacre them overnight (Wiesehöfer, 2009, 73-74). The present research believes that this massacre by the Seleucids could only happen during Alexander Ballas reign as the historical books and minted coins by the king in Susa indicate that Alexander Ballas conquered Susa once again and subjugated the Elymais. It occurred during 150 B.C. – 147 B.C. as Demetrius II helped by the Egyptian king (Ptolemy Moheb al-Om) started a long battle against Alexander Ballas around Western parts of Seleucid empire in 147 B.C. Departure of Alexander Ballas to the West parts put the East parts in turmoil. In these days, Elymais established a local government in which Kamnaskires minted coins as the leader. Mehrdad charged his army to the North and West parts of Iran and Autophradates I become the Persis ruler and his coins could be minted from 147 B.C. to 129 B.C. onward as before these days the dominance of Alexander Ballas on East and North parts of Persian Gulf is final. The Parthian Mehrdad marched to the Media in 147-8 B.C. and he conquered it about 144 B.C. and seized the Seleucid with an attack on Babylon in 141 B.C., so that the dated coins of Mehrdad minted in 138-139 B.C. and 139-140 B.C. in Seleucid confirmed the event. Mehrdad retruned to Hirkani after the battle ended. About 140 B.C. due to the requests by Macedonians and Greeks settled at the Upper Satrap such as Babylon for Demetrius II in Syria and, at the other hand, disaffection of Demetrius to stay in Syria led him to think to retake the lost lands. Demetrius charged to the East and entering Mesopotamia passed Babylon. He won battles against the Parthian. The Persian led by Autophradates I hoped to gain its full independency and rejecting tribute to the new rulers, the Iranian Najd (Parthian) came to help Demetrius II to battle the Parthian. However, he was unlucky in the decisive and final battle about 131 B.C. The Parthian general charged at him with some tricks, routed his troops and captured the Seleucid king. Then he wandered the king around the Parthian cities and sent him to Hirkani with Mehrdad. Mehrdad treated Demetrius well, engaged his daughter Roodgooneh to him and sent him to Gorgan. Mehrdad attacked the local governments due to their collaboration with Demetrius II and the Khong-e-Noroozi stone in Malmir plain recorded the victory of Mehrdad over Elymais as it says “Mehrdad the King of Kings” (Saraf, 1993:59). At the other hand, his minted coins have found in Susa but the Parthian king kept the local rulers in their local governments (Kawami, 1987:6; Colledge, 1977:10). Antiochus VII Sidetes in 129-130 B.C. went into war with the Parthian outreaching them under the pretext of freeing his brother (Meyer, 1969:64). Houghton (1983: 101) believes that the Parthian controlled Susa until 130 B.C. but Antiochus VII conquered it for one year. During his war with the Parthian, the Seleucid army ordered by Antiochus deployed at Media and Persis for winter. The deployment and food shortage led the Seleucid army to suppress the Median and Persian natives. If we refer to the Ploianus report once again, it would justify the massacre of Seleucid army carried out to revenge the killings of 3000 Persian army and it is more likely done in Autophradates I, as the historical books and events suggest the revenge carried out by the Whwbrz successors (e.g. Autophradates). The Seleucid army defeated in 129 B.C. and Antiochus committed suicide because he did not bear the defeat. Once Farhad II defeated Antiochus, we witnessed coins under the name of Farhad II in Susa and Elymais. It was after the war that the Scythians battle with the Parthian in the West area and the Parthian king forced to confront them at that area. The Parthian army failed to do anything against the Scythians and the Parthian king killed in the battle. Autophradates announced full independence with the weak Parthian government and lack of Seleucid power in the region, so that Fravahr symbol as monarchy on Autophradates coins confirms the event. Therefore, it is more likely to believe that the first three kings of Frataraka (Bagadat, Artaxerxes and Whwbrz) had semi-independent government. Struggling for independence paid for during Autophradates I and the full independence was in place until the end of Autophradates government. Starting the second period of Persis kings during the Autophradates II, Persis kept running as semi-independent state under the Parthian rulers (Sellwood, 1994, 406). At this time, the new rulers took power in Persis who chose the title of Melaka on their coins that were essentially different with the previous coins and it perhaps represents the new dynasty other than the Frataraka (Kennedy Eddie, 2002, 97-98).   4. Conclusion The Frataraka were the local kings of Persis, which preserved with full awareness of traditions and political and religious symbols used in Achaemenid Empire and transferred them to the next generation (Sassanid) in more evolved formation to introduce the religious political system in new harmony mould in Sassanid world leadership system. The political religious symbols used in the Frataraka coins are similar in meaning and concept. The Bagadat coins were the first Persis coins. They minted in two sets. The throne symbols with lotus in king’s hand like the motif of Great Darius in Persepolis, as it seems the Persis king (Bagadat) wants to remind his power to the foreigners with this image and as the holy structure, flag and his motif as a worshiper tries to present his legitimation among the people with his originality and also introduce himself with the flag as a follower of powerful Achaemenid Empire army and as a follower of past religion with the holy structure and worshiper. These motifs are clearly depicted in Ghizghapan, Dukkan-e-Daud and Eshaghvand catacombs. Therefore, the king presented himself to the foreigners and remind his legitimation to the natives. Artaxerxes became the king after Bagadat and his coins are similar to the second set of Bagadat coins. These two kings could establish a semi-independence government in Persis. The third king who called himself a Frataraka king was Vahbarz and as it is said, the most researchers suggest that in his reign Persis ruled completely independent. It is not acceptable according to the historical stories and the wars between Seleucid and Parthian kings. His successor was Autophradates I and based on the mentioned references and evidences in the paper, Persis had achieved a full independence during his reign and the Persis independence was all gone when his reign was over and the local government administered as semi-independence until Artaxerxes IV (the Sassanid Artaxerxes I) sat on the throne. We see new motifs on the Autophradates coins, which originated from xenophobia and independence thoughts. These motifs included the bow and Farvahr. As for the bow, the king presents himself as the absolute power of Persis and, as Achaemenid kings, he is capable of confronting enemy and preserve the holy land of Persepolis. For the Farvahr symbol, the king clearly manifests his power from neither people nor foreigners but Ahura Mazda as the powerful Achaemenid kings he also chosen by the Gods. The present study suggests that with the independence of Persis in Autophradates reign, new symbols and motifs reminding the absolute power of Achaemenid kings minted on coins and it was not possible unless there were no foreign power in control in Persis kingdom.  }, keywords = {Coin,Frataraka,Achaemeniad}, title_fa = {سکه های حکومت محلی پارس (فرترکه )}, abstract_fa = {تاریخ شاهان محلی فارس در زمان سلوکی و اشکانی بیشتر از طبقه‌بندی و مطالعه سکه‌هایی که از آنان بجای مانده بازسازی شده است، با سقوط امپراتوری هخامنشی و روی‌کار آمدن سلوکی‌ها و اشکانیان، ایالت فارس برای مدتی از استقلال داخلی برخوردار شد، والیان این ایالت از حکام محلی منطقه بودند. سکه‌های ماقبل ساسانی مهم‌ترین اسناد این دوران هستند که می‌توانند شناخت بهتری از این منطقه به ما ارائه کنند. در طبقه‌بندی سکه‌‌های این ناحیه، گروه نخست معرف چهار پادشاه است که خود را فرترکه (Frataraka) خوانده‌اند. ویژگی این سکه‌ها همانند سکه‌های هخامنشی است که نشان‌‌دهندة وابستگی حاکمان محلی فارس به این سلسله بزرگ است. در کنار این ویژگی‌، نشانه‌هایی از سبک و نوع سکه‌های سلوکی نیز در آن‌ها دیده می‌شود. مقاله حاضر سعی دارد تا با مطالعه اسنادی سکه‌های فرترکه‌، خطوط و نقوش روی این سکه‌ها را بررسی کرده تا بر این اساس بتواند به این سوال پاسخ دهد که خط و نقوش سکه‌های فرترکه بیانگر چیست. این فرضیه در مقاله حاضر مدنظر است: خطوط و نقوش سکه‌ها، محصول بازآفرینی حافظة تاریخی فرترکه‌ها بوده است نسبت به گذشتة درخشان سلسلة هخامنشی و تاثیرات سیاسی آن‌ها بر زمانه خویش.}, keywords_fa = {سکه,فرترکه,اشکانی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2324.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2324_4420457b35a55100b706f13edfbe7c31.pdf} } @article { author = {Hasanli, Kavoos}, title = {The Wet Fire: Representation of Hafez's Hypocrisy in Statements with Two Opposing Meanings}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {57-87}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.12748.1872}, abstract = {1. Introduction In terms of the architecture of words and aesthetics of language use, Hafez Shirazi is the best orator and craftsman in Persian language. One of the most prominent features of the use of language in Hafez’s poetry is the density of various meanings in as few words as possible. This is mostly achieved by means of his frequent use of ambiguity in poetry. While previous studies have examined artistic techniques, aesthetic devices, and poetic ambiguity in Hafez, the issue of ambiguity produced through the use of statements with two opposing meanings remains to be further investigated. In Persian rhetoric, this is known as muhtamel alzeidin. This essays does not examine ambiguity in words with multiple meanings; rather, it is concerned with the representation of statements which contain two opposing meanings. The reason why this device is used in Hafez’s poetry can be put down to the fact of a repressive society. However, some of the examples discussed in this essay show that while such poetic device may have been used for social criticism, it has gradually came to constitute one aspect of Hafez’s own language and mind. Even though Hafez constantly criticizes hypocrisy and pretense, he himself becomes a hypocrite under the pressures of society.   2. Methodology The method used in this study is descriptive and based on content analysis. Accordingly, certain lines in Divan-e Hafez which represent the use of statements with two opposing meanings are selected. Then, in light of their theme they are categorized into two groups: social and romantic themes. Finally, analyzing the stylistic techniques of such statements, the roots, reasons, and effects of Hafez’s views are studied.   3. Discussion Hypocrisy is one of most unpleasant moral vices. In a society fraught with pretense and hypocrisy, the first moral virtue that is damaged is trust. This destructive vice, when it becomes so pervasive in a society, manifests itself in various forms to remain unnoticed. In repressive societies, when the power apparatus is more oppressive, people adopt more complicated ways of hypocrisy and pretense. Hypocrisy has always existed in human life. As soon as social life began on earth, people had to hide those aspects of their behavior which could have hurt their coexistence with others. This helped them become like others. Rooted in social and political causes, the 14th century when Hafez lived was a society driven by hypocrisy and insincerity. This is why Hafez decided in his poems to criticize this vilest of moral deficiencies. As a committed poet, he was never indifferent to what went on his own society. However, in his own poems one could see examples of Hafez’s own hypocrisy. Some of these are so poetically ambiguous that their affective dimension overrides the social critical dimension. Hence, the question is if the use of statements with two opposing meanings is only a poetic device or a tool for social criticism. 3. Conclusion To conclude the issues discussed in this essay we should note the following points about Hafez and his poetry: first, masterful poetic ability; second, committed spirituality and social engagement; third, historical context; and fourth, hypocrisy and its function. On the one hand, Hafez is the poet par excellence in creating ambiguous and layered opposing statements among the Persian poets. On the other, he constantly criticizes insincerity, pretense, and hypocrisy.     Hafez’s poems should be primarily looked at as literary text. Thus his poems cannot be reduced to logical statements. However, a close reading of his poetic structures may help us gain sociological perspectives on the era he lived in. Poetry is a tool used by poets. In a time when pretense and hypocrisy have pervaded all aspects of a society, Hafez uses poetry to level a social critique against such a condition. However, the pervasiveness of pretense and hypocrisy makes everyone a hypocrite. While he is always at the forefront of criticizing pretense and hypocrisy, he sometimes yields to these vices himself. In one of his poems, he says, “Be honest and see the sun comes out of thy breath / At the outset, the liar was disgraced.” Elsewhere, he says, “Not from exceeding religiousness, is my inducing of the robe / Over the head of a hundred secret sins, a veil the robe I place.” He also openly says, “Hafez! hypocrisy and dissimulation give not purity of heart: / Choice of the path of profligacy and of love, I will make.” In such an oppressive society, not only does he practice hypocrisy himself, but also invites others to do so: “Conceal the cup in the sleeve of the tattered garment; / For, like the wine-flagon’s eye, time is blood-shedding.” Some of these differences are because of the poet’s own personal experiences while some other are due to the social context of the 14th century and especially the oppressive rulers of the time.      In the course of history, people have always used ambiguity as a tool for social protest. Equivocation and amphibology have emancipatory values in socially repressive regimes. However, ambiguity could gradually turn into one’s worldview and hence run through one’s mind and language. In Hafez’s poetry, there are examples of statements with two opposing meanings which can be read as signs of resistance against the tyranny of the era he live in. However, as the examples discussed in this essay show, the use of statements with two opposing meanings are not always meant for social criticism; rather, this device has become an aesthetic technique in Hafez’s mind and language in creating poetry because not only does he use the device in representing hypocrisy and religious pretense, but he also uses it in describing his beloved, where one expects genuine sincerity and trust.  }, keywords = {Hafez’s Hypocrisy,Ambiguity,Amphibology,Aesthetics}, title_fa = {آتشِ تر بازنمود ریاکاری حافظ شیرازی در شگردی متفاوت (یک سخن با دو معنای متضاد)}, abstract_fa = {در معماری واژگان و پیوند هنری کلام، حافظ شیرازی سرآمد سخن‌سرایان زبان فارسی است. یکی از آشکارترین ویژگی‌های سخن حافظ تراکم معانی گونا‌گون در کمترین واژهاست؛ که معمولا از رهگذر شناخته‌شده‌ترین آرایه‌ی سخن او، یعنی ایهام پدید می‌آید. در باره‌ی رفتارهای هنری و شگردهای زیبایی-شناسانه‌ی حافظ و نیز ایهام‌های شعر او تا کنون بسیار سخن گفته شده است. اما آن‌چه در این مقاله در کانون توجه قرار گرفته، گونه‌ای ازابهام هنری‌ست که از سخنی دوپهلو با معانی ناساز پدید می‌آید که در کتاب‌های بلاغی گذشته محتمل‌الضدین، توجیه یا ذووجهین نامیده‌اند. مقصود این نوشته، واکاوی واژه‌های ایهامی با معانی چندگانه نیست، بلکه بازنمایی آن ویژگی از سخن حافظ است که در آن، کلام به گونه‌ای سامان یافته که می‌توان دو معنای کاملا متضاد را از آن دریافت. روی‌آوری به این شیوه از بیان می‌تواند برآمده از کارکردهای یک جامعه‌ی استبدادزده باشد. سخنور با این شیوه‌ی بیانی تلاش می‌کند از بستن گریزگاه‌های خود در چنین جامعه‌ای پیش‌گیری کند تا شاید راهی به رهایی داشته باشد. اما نمونه‌های سخن حافظ در این مقاله، نشان می‌دهد که اگر این گونه از بیان با انگیزه‌ی اجتماعی هم تولید شده باشد، در ذهن و زبان حافظ کم‌کم به یک عادت فراگیر تبدیل شده است. سخن دیگر این مقاله، آن است که حافظ هرچند خود همواره با ریا می‌ستیزد و پنهان‌کاری را می‌نکوهد، اما خودِ او نیز زیر فشارهای اجتماعی ناگزیر می‌شود پنهان‌کاری کند و ریا بورزد.}, keywords_fa = {حافظ,ریاکاری حافظ,سخنِ دوپهلو,ریا,ابهام}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2325.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2325_2bc57c6b869c0fb5fd0077a19ea70f9c.pdf} } @article { author = {dehghani, mehdi}, title = {The cities Position in political – military relations with claimants succeed Karim Khan Zand (1209-1193)}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {89-108}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.10459.1739}, abstract = {1. Introduction With the death of Karim Khan and the lack of strong succession, the number of his relatives especially the brothers and cousins were campaigns destroyed for access to government. These events consist of the wide range of historical sources in the end of twelve century. With careful study on the historical texts, we can be follow up the various ranges of civic society for protecting the citizen lives and properties and also for access to gain the financial - political interests personally or a special group. 2. Methodology This research by using the methods of historical research and techniques of library data collection from original historical references after description and classification of the political – military functional of various ranges of civic society specifications of related cities in that specific times deals to analyses and interpretations of these features and their impacts on cities relations with the various claimants succeed of Karim Khan.     3. Discussion In the Zand period, the political-military structure of many cities consisted of three layers of people, elders and ruler. The support and following of the cities and the adjacent areas of their elders had a great influence on the rise and fall of Karim Khan Zand's successors. The people who were the lowest social category of cities were subordinate to their leader's authorities in obedience or disobedience to the rulers. The pursuit of the people led to the social-financial capability of the elders to carry out effective political-military activities. In the sources of this period, the general loyalty of the society lower classes of Haji Ibrahim Khan has been mentioned by the general and obscure word "ahali". This is in the first First Look of is the collective will of the this classes, but by examining more precisely the historical texts, we find that the interests and efforts of the heads of the guilds and districts in the political-military organization of the ordinary people of the community provide an effective political-military role of the elders, such as Haji Ibrahim Khan kalantar. The complete resident's follow-up of the elder's actions led to their displacement by the victorious commanders. The rulers, at the beginning of the rule, tried to prevent the expression of the political-military elder's power by the exaltation of them and some of their loyal people from indigenous areas with extensive social protection to areas directly under their control. In this regard, any support from the survivor's elders and residents of the rest of the monarchy's claimants exposed the captives to torture and execution. The tribal families, who had been living in the cities by Karim Khan in particular in Shiraz and Esfahan, formed the core of tribal forces of Karim Khan's successors. Contrary to the native inhabitants of these cities, whose security was their most important concern, the tribesmen wanted to obtain financial revenues from the treasury and the spoils of war; thus, by joining the various armies, persisted the struggles of the kingdom's conquerors. Despite this tribesmen, were ready to betray their commanders and join the victorious forces if they fail in the battle for the more benefits. Despite of the tribesmen political instability, they were tendency to Continuation the Zand's rule because most of them had a lot of tribal-cultural ties. This led to the deportation of the  this tribes to the areas under the direct control of the Qajar government when the Aqa Muhammad Khan captured the Isfahan and Fars, in order to prevent the thier supporting from the survivors of Zand clan. 4. Conclusion In the second half of the twenty century, the political-military structure of the cities consisted of three groups of inhabitants, elders and ruler. The following of the native peoples led to the social-financial capability of the elders to carry out effective political-military Abilities. Mentioned Following, the victorious commanders prevented the expression of their political-military power by the elders and some of the people by the exile of them. The compulsory migration, in addition to depriving the victor's enemy of the acquaintance of the elders for city administration, was a security guarantee to obey the insurgent cities. The relationship between the native and tribal households in the cities was based on suspicion due to a different social structure. The suspicion that occurred during the confrontation of Fars elders with Lotf Ali Khan Zand became apparently a mutual hostility. Nevertheless, the main weakness point of the tribal citizen were their families Residence, which made the rulers of the cities absorb or reject them according to their policy, but the mistreatment of them led to their separation and joining the rival competing camps.  The elders were the intermediaries to reflect the socioeconomic demands of the lower classes of the society to the ruler, as well as to the tax collector and the warriors who usually continued their positions in a kinship manner. During this period, the city's representative for the political talks with the victorious commanders was the Shikh al-Islam or Judge, but when they failed in the negotiations, other ulama were sent to ask for intercession. The ulama of the city had a great influence on the people, so they reacted in the face of the siege or tyranny of the ruler. The coherence actions of the elders, in the internal disputes events by group or personal interests, would have resulted in their plotting or rebellion against the ruler to fail. Nonetheless, the coherence actions of the fars Elders led to the defense of each other's interests in crisis times. One of the main reasons for this could be the effective political-military ties between Fars elders and the bureaucracy of the Zand government, including their unity in a separate group in the army. During the period of the weakness of Zand's rule, the elders had a lot of power in applying their policies, because the divisions between the civilian tribes and their annexation to the camp of various claimants, while reducing their military significance, increased the military role of the civil gunmen. Initially, the political style of Fars elders was united with the some insurgent tribal elders to create state changes. This policy was successful with the period of Jafar Khan, Seyyed morad khan and then Lotf Ali Khan. Due to this giving crown of the elders, Haji Ibrahim Khan insisted on the acquittal of the elders who had united in the killing of Ja'far Khan Zand. The event ultimately led to the displacement of Lotf Ali Khan and the expulsion of urban tribes. However, the Level power of the rulers had a direct impact on the elites' political-military behavior. Therefore, despite of the relative weakness of Ja'far Khan and Lotf Ali Khan Zand, the Fars elders were completely submissive to the military power of the Qajar dynasty.}, keywords = {city,citizens,Nobel's,the political-military function of cities,claimants succeed of Karim Khan}, title_fa = {جایگاه شهرها در مناسبات سیاسی- نظامی با مدعیان جانشینی کریم‌خان زند (1209-1193ق)}, abstract_fa = {با مرگ کریم‌خان زند و در فقدان جانشینی نیرومند، تعداد بی‌شماری از بستگان وی به‌ویژه برادران و عموزادگانش برای دستیابی به حکومت به نبردهای ویران گری مشغول شدند که شرح آن رویدادها حجم وسیعی از منابع تاریخی اواخر سده دوازده هجری را به خود اختصاص داده است. در این میان، با غور و بررسی دقیق متون تاریخی می‌توان نقش فعال قشرهای مختلف جامعه شهری را برای صیانت از جان و مال شهرنشینان و یا به‌منظور دستیابی به منافع مالی - سیاسی شخصی و گروهی پیگیری نمود. در این پژوهش از رهگذر این مسئله، درصدد پاسخ به این پرسش هستیم: اقشار جامعه شهری در مناسبات سیاسی- نظامی با مدعیان جانشینی کریم‌خان زند چگونه عمل می‌کردند و در کدام زمینه‌ها موجب فروپاشی حکومت زند و برآمدن حکومت قاجار شدند؟ برای شناسایی جایگاه شهرها در دوره موردنظر با استفاده از روش تحقیق تاریخی و شیوه جمع‌آوری داده‌های کتابخانه‌ای از منابع دست‌اول تاریخی ابتدا به توصیف و طبقه‌بندی ویژگی‌های سیاسی- نظامی اقشار مختلف جامعه شهری و سپس به تحلیل و تفسیر این ویژگی‌ها و تأثیرات آن بر مناسبات شهرها با مدعیان گوناگون جانشینی می‌پردازیم. در این راستا، اشتراک منافع اهالی و بزرگان برای تأمین امنیت شهرها، به‌تدریج موجب همکاری متقابل سیاسی- نظامی بزرگان با اغامحمدخان قاجار برای واگذاری حاکمیت شهرها و شکست نهایی جانشینان کریم‌خان زند را فراهم آورد.}, keywords_fa = {شهر,اهالی,بزرگان,عملکرد سیاسی- نظامی,جانشینان کریم خان}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2326.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2326_8ff188c8a1fe4978c46e34061f604023.pdf} } @article { author = {sabzalipour, jahandoost and Ashuri shahrestani, Havva}, title = {Clothes in Tarikh-E Beyhaghi and its Functions}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {109-135}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.10783.1758}, abstract = {Introduction Clothes is one of the elements that it’s recognition, conduce to recognizes the culture, civilization and identity of a nation. Getting familiar with the clothing and the history of the clothing of a nation, gives us a lot of information about the people of that territory. How was the coverage of different social classes? How did people come into the community with what shape and appearance? What role did Clothes play in their lives? What is the role of Clothes in religious beliefs? What is the purpose of Beyhaqi to mention all these details of Clothes? There are some cases that can be answered to parts of them in this research. The main question of this research is that what was the Clothess functions and formalities in Ghaznavids dynasty? The research hypothesis is that, with due attention to the widespread and prolonged of Ghaznavian administration, Clothes, like other courts, have special formalities, and Clothes were used symbolically in many cases, one of which is to use the form of khalaat (خلعت) (A special clothes for gift). 2. Methodology Tarikh E Beyhaghi or A History book That Aboolfazl.e Beyhaghi has written it, is one of the sources that many studies have been done about it, and its historical and literary aspects have been studied more than other aspects. This book is one of the most useful books on the history of Ghaznavids in Iran. It gives us a lot of information about court`s Clothes. This research has been carried out using the documentary methodology and all the examples and first evidence have been extracted from history of Beyhaqi book. Then was discussed with using other Beyhaghi contemporary texts and other historical texts about Clothes of Ghaznavian dynasty. In general, a large part of the data of this work is from the text of history of Beyhaghi and to analyze them, other valued texts has been used. In this article, the text of history of Beyhaghi which is corrected by Mohammad Jafar Yaghaghi and Mehdi Seyedi, was used.   3. Discussion The Clothes in Ghaznavids period were of great importance as in other periods, so that the cost of clothes was not less than gold and money, and in all the khalaats and gifts that they were given to different people; Clothes played a significant role. Beyhaqi's goal to mention the details of clothes, is sometimes mentioning things that are not related to clothes, but he is looking for another point that some examples are came bellow. At a royal mournful ceremony, the white dress was worn, when Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi died; for his father's mourning ceremony, Emir Massoud announced three days of public mourning and he and his followers participated in the ceremony with a white turban and a ghaba (قبا) or Special clothes that People wear it on the rest of the clothes.   for mourning, in our country, this tradition is still alive in some places. "And the next day the Emir permitted to ingress in a white ghaba and turban, and all the lords and elders and servants of the army came to serve, whites were worn and plaint was a lot. As a tradition, three days passed by royal condolence, so that everyone would like it "(ibid., 12). In addition to wearing white dress, they also took off their turbans. When al-Qadir Billal, (A powerful Abbasi caliph, who was born in 336 AH and came to the caliph in 381 AH.) died, Massoud Ghaznavi took his turban off from his head and wore a white Clothes (Shabankari, 1363: 79). During illness, a necklace of camphor was thrown on the sick people neck. When the ship of Sultan Mas'ud was broken in the Hirmand River, the Sultan fell into the water and the slaves saved him, He affected by a high fever, as Beyhaghi quoted, in order to relieve the fever and illness of Sultan Mas'ud, he was confined in a dark room with linen curtains and a necklace of camphor hang on his neck. When one of the servants of the sultan, Aghache, called Abolfazl Bayhaqi in the presence of the Sultan, sees Beyhaghi the Sultan like this. I went and saw they made the house dark and hanged linen curtains…, I found Emir there sitting on the throne, worn thin cool Clothes and necklace full of camphor, I saw doctor Bolala sitting under the bed, "(Beyhaghi: 509). If a person betrayed to the sultan, sultan to punish him and others and put scarf on his head. As Sultan Mohammad Kharazmshah defeated and escaped in the battle against the Mughals in Isfahan through the betrayal of his brother, Ghiath al-Din, after the Mughal exit from Isfahan and of Sultan Muhammad return, he ordered to put on scarf on traitors` head. He took someone who were unfaithful and poor-spirited and put scarf on their head" (ibid., 145). One of the customs of Ghaznavids court, was giving khalaat that amply mentioned in history of Beyhaghi. Although the custom of khalaat and giving khalaat is not the case of the argument of this research, but since the khalaat included most types of Clothes and clothing, some cases about custom of wearing khalaat and its variety are listed below (for custom of wearing khalaat in the history of Beyhaghi.see Sabzalipour, 2004). Clothes had possessed a great importance during Beyhaghi`s epoch. Beyhaghi has expressed this matter in many cases in some way. To the importance of the Clothes is is enough to know that the Clothes was authority of treasurer (ibid., 136). Having a house of Clothes is another proof of the importance of Clothes in that epoch. The house of Clothes which have placed ready-made and unready-made Clothess there. Every time a person was appointed to a position or should be given a gift, he was taken to a house of Clothes and responsible of that job, it means Jamedar (A man who cares about clothes), gave him the proper khalaat. It is evident from all of this evidence that sultan`s Clothes keeping tribunal was an important tribunal. An a Jamedar job, which was usually for the slave, was a heavy duty. The loss of house of Clothes in the battlefield was very serious, along with this job, there were some other important jobs. The slaves which were more under the sultan`s favor, might achieved that, such as Salahdar (One who protects the king with weapons) and Catrdar (who keeps umbrella for Emir) (Besourth, 102: 2536). Those who deal with the job of preparing garment and clothes, usually, threw out the name of the king on the edge of clothes, cordon and ornaments of clothes and decorated; It seems that this task strengthened the rule of the sultan over the people of his land.  As they were counted gold, money, jewels and coins in the court, they also listed the Clothes (Beyhaghi, 2009: 258). When the property was seized, they also seized clothes. Because it has a lot of value and price (Ibnathur, 1351 C 15: 226).   4. Conclusion As Beyhaghi reported the role of Clothes in the Ghaznavids court is very impressive, and has a lot of symbolic role and function. The deformation and color of the Clothes in the view of the caliph was the abandonment of the law and the sinner was punished. The value and respect that they attached to the Jamedar at that time is a testimony to these words. There was a tribunal in the name of the sultan`s tribunal whose head was not given to anyone. According to Tarikh e Behaghi, the Clothes was part of the treasury of the court, and the loss of the house of Clothes in the wars had a devastating impact on the army and country. From the above mentioned matters, it is deduced that the function of clothing at any time is influenced by the political, religious and cultural transition of that period; what determines the Clothes's function, is not only society's need, but also the cultural or religious conditions and circumstances of each period are.}, keywords = {Clothes,culture,Tarikh_E Bryhaghi,Function}, title_fa = {پوشاک، فرهنگ و کارکردهای آن در تاریخ بیهقی}, abstract_fa = {آشنایی با فرهنگ هر جامعه، نیازمند مطالعه و بررسی پدیده‌های اجتماعی و فرهنگی آن جامعه است. پوشاک یکی از مهم‌ترین آن پدیده‌های فرهنگی است و از زوایای مختلف اجتماعی، هنری، فرهنگی، مذهبی و ... قابل بررسی است. منظور از پوشاک مجموعه جامه‌ها و وسایلی است که انسان به خود می‌پوشاند تا نیازهای مختلف خود را در مقابل عوامل طبیعی و اقلیمی با آن برطرف کند. پوشاک در اصل تن‌پوشی در مقابل آسیب‌های طبیعی بوده، اما در طی زمان، وسیله‌ای برای ابراز سلیقه و تشریفات دیگر شده است. این مقاله به دنبال پاسخگویی به این سؤال است که پوشاک، چه نقش و کارکردهایی در تاریخ بیهقی داشته است. باتوجه به این که عصر غزنویان‌، یکی از دوره‌های مهم تاریخ ایران است؛ با استفاده از پوشاک این دوره می‌توان به بسیاری از مطالب و ناگفته‌ها، در این دوره پی برد. برای این پژوهش از متن تاریخ بیهقی و برای تحلیل آن، از متون تاریخی دیگر نیز، کمک گرفته شده است. نتیجه پژوهش نشان می‌دهد پوشاک، در آن دوران، بسیار حائز اهمیت بوده و بیهقی از پوشاک و توصیفات آن به عنوان یک ابزار برای بیان گفته‌های خود استفاده می‌کند، پوشاک کارکردهای بسیاری از جمله سیاسی، مذهبی، اجتماعی و فرهنگی داشته است.}, keywords_fa = {پوشاک,غزنویان,تاریخ بیهقی,ابوالفضل بیهقی,نقش پوشاک}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2327.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2327_fe7ec089e0a53b19687d29a60fe2310c.pdf} } @article { author = {طامه, مجید}, title = {Weights and Measurement Units in Khotanese}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {138-161}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.10484.1741}, abstract = {. Introduction There is not much information about the weights and measurement units that were used by Iranian people in ancient Iran. In the surviving texts of ancient Iranian languages, we do not find a lot of words that refer to weighing and measuring, the main reason for this is the fact that economic texts and documents of that period are sparse. Nevertheless, we have evidences for weights and measurements from Avestan language (in the Avesta and the Avestan scattered fragments) and the Old Persian language that are found in the original texts (Old Persian inscriptions) or in überlieferung texts that are found in other languages such as Elamite and Aramaic (Elamite tablets found in Persepolis and Aramaic records in Egypt) and ... . Among these words in original Old Persian’s sources, one can mention the length unit: arašni- ‘cubit’ (Schmitt, 2014: p. 134) and in überlieferung sources *grīva- ‘capacity’, bamaš ‘a measure’ and išbamia ‘a liquid measure’ (Tavernier, 2007, p. 488, 504, 506). In the Avestan texts, there are also terms that are mainly used to measure length and time; among these words one can mention ayarǝ.drājah- ‘to the length of a day’ zānu.drājah- ‘to the length of a chin’ hizu.drājah- ‘to the length of the tongue’ (Bartholomae, 1904, p. 158, 1689, 1815).      Given the fact that more texts remain from the middle period of Iranian languages, our information is a bit more about this. Among the terms used in the Middle Persian for weighing and measuring, we can point to these words grīw ‘a grain measure’, hāsar ‘a measure of length and time’, kabīz ‘a grain measure’ (MacKenzie, 1986). Since there are more texts remain from Eastern Middle Iranian languages, the number of words of measurement and weighing is also greater. Of these words can be alluded in Sogdian: ’’r’ync ‘cubit’, δrγmδnk ‘a unit of weight’, kpc, kpc’kk ‘a unit of capacity’, ywcn ‘a unit of length’ (Gharib, 1995) and in Chorasmian: ’wck ‘a unit of length’, kpcyk ‘a grain measure’ (Benzing, 1983) and in Bactrian: αγρηοι, αγρηαοι, αργοι all three mean ‘a grain measure’, γωνζο, γονζ both mean ‘a measure of straw’ (Sims-Williams, 2007). Another Eastern Middle Iranian Languages is Khotanese that many texts remain from that and in these texts there are many words that have been used to measure and to weigh. 2. Methodology Contrary to other Middle Iranian languages, especially the Middle Persian, that scholars have more information about the words related to measurement and weights in them, there is no a complete and independent source for Khotanese language about this matter, and even a complete dictionary for this language has not yet been written. Therefore, the collecting and examining of these words related to the weights and capacity that have been neglected so far, in addition to examining the economic documents that have come out of this language are useful, to clarify the different sides of cultural and economic cultural life of Iranian beyond the borders of Iran, in Central Asia, is beneficial too. It can also be useful and helped to clarify the cultural and economic role of the Iranian people living in Central Asia and their interaction with other peoples in this region. To do this, in addition to Dictionary of Khotan Saka data (Bailey 1979), the data of other closed texts that have been studied so far, but they were not been studied by Bailey, have been investigated. Therefore, the data of this research is based on texts that have been read and translated so far. 3. Discussion Khotanese language is one of the Scythian dialects; Sakas were Iranian tribes who lived, during two thousand years (1st century BC and 1st AD), on a vast territory from the Black Sea coast in the West to the frontiers of China in the East. The only remainders of the Old Scythian language are a few numbers of proper nouns, and the names of tribes and places, which were mentioned in the Old Persian inscriptions and literary works of Greek historians (Rezai Baghbidi 2009, p. 36; Oranskij, 2007, p. 93). Khotanese is one of the Middle Scythian languages and it is considered one of the Eastern Middle Iranian languages. It is more closely related to other Eastern Middle Iranian class, such as Sogdian and Chorasmian than to the Western Middle Iranian languages. It can not be precisely said how and when this language was used in the territory of the Khotan kingdom, but it is likely that has been common used from the third century CE in Khotan kingdom (Emmerick, 2009, p. 377). There is nothing definite about the time when this language is extinct, except that it would probably coincide with the conquest of the Khotan kingdom by the Muslims in the early 11th century CE (Ibid, p. 411).     Before going into the topic of discussion, it is necessary to mention the fact that the meaning of  ‘size, measurement’ is expressed by to words: pamākā- and mārā- both of the root mā- ‘to measure’ (Bailey, 1979, p. 213, 329). To better clarify these words that used for measuring in Khotanese, they can be divided into two general categories: The first is the words that refer to weighing and capacity, the second is the words that are pertained to the distance: length and width. Here we look at these two categories and related words.      Words that are used to weigh different items are larger than words that used to the measure length and width. Some of these units have been used solely for the measurement of a particular substance, but others have been used to measure any type of solid or liquid matter. Some of these units are only found in later Khotanese texts, sometimes even in just one text. In this paper, we categorize units according to whether they are used for solids, liquids or other items.      The units have used to measure solids include a wide range of materials, such as cereals, eating, plants and herbal medicines, natural substances, and the like. In this article, we will examine these units, their use and, if it would be possible to mention their equivalent in other languages, such as Sanskrit, Tibetan, and so on.       In addition to solid-weighing units that have been used to measure liquids, several specific units have been exclusively used for measuring liquids. The liquids here are in addition to water any other liquid such as milk, syrup, nectar, extract, etc., mainly used in medical texts.      In spite of the fact that there are many words for weighing in Khotanese texts, it has not been used many words in these texts to measure length and width. These units cover a range of the oldest units of measurement, that is the human parts of the human body, to loanwords from other languages. Most of these units actually have the meaning of "expanse" and "breadth", and then they have used to measure levels, length, width, height, and depth. 4. Conclusion    Of the words have examined in this paper, it is clear that the words have used in the weighing of materials was more than the units used to measure distance. Indigenous terms used for weighing in principle have another meaning and due to semantic development have been used for measurement. Despite the fact that in the collection of religious and secular texts, the major part of the loanwords is from Sanskrit and Prakrit, in weighing and measuring borrowing of Indian languages is very small and Chinese loanwords overcome in this issue. Also, in terms used to measure width and length, there is not even an Indian loanword, and even in the translation of the Indian word yojana-, which is a distance unit and used in other Iranian languages ( such as Sogdian), has been always used an indigenous word.}, keywords = {: Iranian languages,Khotanese,Weighing,Measurement units}, title_fa = {اوزان و واحدهای اندازه‌گیری در زبان خُتَنی}, abstract_fa = {به سبب کم بودن متون بازمانده از زبان‌های ایرانی باستان و میانه، دانش ما دربارۀ واژه‌هایی که برای اندازه‌گیری اوزان و واحدهای طول و عرض به‌کار می‌رفته بسیار اندک است. اما در مقایسه با زبان‌های ایرانی میانۀ غربی، در متون دینی و غیردینی به‌جامانده از زبان ختنی که یکی از زبان‌های ایرانی میانۀ شرقی است واژه‌های نسبتاً زیادی در اشاره به اوزان و واحدهای اندازه‌گیری وجود دارد. این اوزان گاه صرفاً برای اندازه‌گیری مادهّ‌ای خاص به‌کار رفته و گاه برای توزین مواد گوناگون استفاده شده است. برخی از این واژه‌ها بومی و دارای اصل و تبار ایرانی هستند و برخی از آنها وام‌واژه‌هایی از زبان‌های دیگر به‌شمار می‌آیند. در این نوشتار به بررسی و طبقه‌بندی این واژه‌های ختنی بنابر نوع موادی که در توزین آنها به‌کار رفته‌اند می‌پردازیم و در موارد ممکن به اصل و تبار و معادل‌های آنها در دیگر زبان‌های رایج منطقۀ ترکستان چین و زبان‌های ایرانی اشاره می‌کنیم.}, keywords_fa = {زبان‌های ایرانی,ختنی,توزین,واحدهای اندازه‌گیری حجم}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2328.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2328_efdd992c30166e053cbd8f284291e9d5.pdf} } @article { author = {Ameri, Zahra and Panahi, Mahin}, title = {The Symbolization of Heaven in the Persian Essays of Sohrevardi}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {163-183}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.11309.1797}, abstract = {. Introduction The world after death is among the key images described in different religious texts. The religious and literary functions of this world have created a twofold image which tries to receive the primary, fundamental religious descriptions on the one hand, and to take a fantastic form by entering the realm in the literature which has "imagination" as its main branch. By transducing this superficial layer and making use of different symbols, the mystics have also provided different interpretations. As such, symbols would be a special means for them with its huge semantic repertoires and the ability to transform according to the minds of their addressees. The current paper aims at examining the symbols related to Heaven and Paradise in seven essays of Shahab ad-Din Suhrawardi and finding an answer to the following question: How does Suhrawardi symbolize Heaven and Paradise in these essays and how far do these symbols go, meaning-wise? 2. Methodology This paper tries to explore the symbols related to Paradise and Heaven in seven Persian essays of Suhrawardi with a descriptive-analytic approach. To do so, the essays have been thoroughly read and the respective symbols have been extracted. On the other hand, the semantic function roots of these symbols in several other texts are explored in order to compare the Suhrawardi's symbols with other universal ones. It is argued that juxtaposing these symbols from different sources would not only help us better understand Suhrawardi and his ingenious views, it is also useful in interpreting those symbols. 3. Discussion The exploration of the seven essays reveals that Suhrawardi has incorporated three important symbols, i.e. Tree, Bird, and Fountain, along with other symbols, such as Mountain and Mirror. The use of Fountain as a symbol could be seen in the Moones al-Oshaq (and Safir-e Simorq essays. The symbol of Bird is used in four forms: Peacock, Lapwing, Roc, and Hawk. Peacock is used in Loqat-e Mooran, Lapwing in Safir-e Simorq and Loqat-e Mooran, Hawk in Aql-e Sork, and Roc in Aql-e Sork, Avaz-e Par-e Jebrail, and Safir-e Simorq. The symbol of Tree is also used in three different senses in Aql-e Sork, Moones al-Oshaq, Loqat-e Mooran, and Fi Halat al-Tofooliah. 4. Conclusion The current analyses show that Suhrawardi has established his thoughts on the Descension and the suffering of being away from Heaven. As he views it, the Descension was not a result of the deceive of the Devil and the collusion of Snake and Peacock, but the will of the primordial gardener himself, or the decoy of the hunter of destiny. Although Suhrawardi does not allude to the Hell as opposed to the Heaven, his contrast of the affluent Heaven, as opposed to the miserable sublunary world, would clearly bring to the mind an opposition between the miserable Mundane and the utopian Paradise. In symbolizing the Heaven, Suhrawardi has incorporated symbols of Tree, the Sun, Bird (Roc, Hawk, Lapwing, and Peacock), and Fountain. The Tree is a symbol of divine nature, the Sun a symbol of the pure mind, and the Fountain a symbol of ever-streaming spring of Heaven, which is, in turn, a symbol of knowledge, wisdom and eternity. The Peacock in these essays is a symbol of Gabriel or the Tenth Intellect. The concept of spirit is reflected in three symbols: Lapwing, Hawk, and Peacock.}, keywords = {Mystical accounts,symbol,Heaven,Sohrevardi’s Essays}, title_fa = {نمادپردازی بهشت و ملکوت در رسالات فارسی سهروردی}, abstract_fa = {در طول اعصار، بشر برای سخن گفتن از بهشت و دوزخ از "نمادها" بهره جسته است. زیرا آنها می‎توانند معانی سرشاری را در خود جای دهند و مطابق با ذهن مخاطبان گوناگون خود دچار دگردیسی شوند. سهروردی نیز در رسالات خود با بهره‎گیری از نمادهایی همچون: مار، باز، طاووس و درخت به توصیف ملکوت، بهشت و رنج دوری از آن اشاره کرده است. با این حال وی در هیچ‎یک از این رسالات از دوزخ سخن نگفته زیرا در نگاه او، جهان مادی نقطة مقابل بهشت است که روح پس از هبوط در آن قرار گرفته است. این پژوهش با رویکردی توصیفی- تحلیلی نمادهای مرتبط با بهشت را در رسالات فارسی سهروردی بررسی کرده و آنها را تا حدودی با نمادهای جهانی تطبیق داده است تا بتوان با درکنار هم قرار دادن آنها علاوه بر شناخت جهان‎بینی سهروردی و نگاه خلاق وی، به تفسیر بهتر این نمادها دست یافت. یافت[ نظر داور محترم جابه جایی این دو بخش بوده است. است است است]}, keywords_fa = {تفاسیر عرفانی,نماد,بهشت,رسالات سهروردی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2329.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2329_b050096d153b93fec534ff60308147f0.pdf} } @article { author = {gholami, mojahed and moghaddas, amirhossein}, title = {Misunderstanding of Wilberforce Clark in translation of Shirazi Dialect and Mosalasat of Hafez}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {185-204}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.10554.1745}, abstract = {  Introduction Khajeh Shamseddin Mohammad Hafiz Shirazi is one of those great Persian poets that Europeans got acquainted with his thought and character through the superabundant translations of his sonnets. However, the poems of Hafez –in addition to its daintiness and Aesthetic features – is not easily translatable. Moreover, some of the translators –who worked on the sonnets of Hafez-, did not understand the concept of his poems in a proper way. Especially, in the case of “Moslasat” or the poems in which Hafez used Persian, Arabic and Shirazi dialect altogether. During the course of its life, Shirazi dialect has undergone three historical periods: 1.pre-Islamic era, 2.from 13th to 15th Century A.D (The most important period in recognizing this dialect) and 3.from the 18th century A.D onwards that Shiraz was chosen as the capital of Iran. This essay, attempts to research on the background of Shirazi dialect, alongside analyzing the translation of the famous Mosalas of Hafiz -translated by Wilberforce Clarke- and consequently, the errors on his translation would be checked.   Methodology This research is provided based on library resources and data analysis method.   Discussion As the Persian language has undergone three historical periods by now, dialects of this language have been widely changed from ancient times to this day. Shirazi dialect is one of the oldest dialects of Persian language, which dates back to about two thousand five hundred years ago (Coincided with the Achaemenid era). With the discovery of the Tablets found in the Fortifications of Persepolis (PFT) in 1933 and 1934 A.D (Rashed-Mohasel, 2001: 20), It was found that a group of people from the lands called ti-ra-zi-iš and ši-ra-za-i-iš was among the workers of Persepolis, and it seems that this very land is the plain of Shiraz (Limbert, 2008: 19; Sami, 2010: 8 & Afsar, 1995: 28). With the arrival of the Islamic era and the inevitable changes of Persian language, Shirazi Dialect also adapted itself with the new age. Today, the literary works remained of this historical dialect are mainly from the Middle Islamic Ages (Between 12th and 14th Century A.D) and the following treasures can be mentioned as the first-handed resources of Shirazi dialect: m    The Divan of Shams Kazeruni (900 lines); m    Kan-e Malahat (The Mine of Passion) an epopee in 718 lines written by Shah Daei Allah Shirazi; m    Two lines and 2 hemistiches in the Divan of Hafez; m    Eighteen lines in the Divan of Saadi (known as Mosalasat); m    An ode in 72 lines by Abu-Ishaq At’amah (along with some sonnets, overall 130 lines); m    A line in Majma-al Foras; m    Moreover, a sonnet by Qotb-e Din Shirazi. As it is clear, Hafez, who is one of the great Poets of Iran, has a sonnet in his Divan known as Mosalas (using three languages together) that According to many scholars, this sonnet can be considered as a work of art, indicating the dominance of Hafez in Persian, Arabic and the dialects of Shiraz. Although this dialect was common in the days of Hafez and was a mean of speaking for the people of Shiraz, but due to the socio-historical conditions in the past two or three centuries, understanding this dialect has been really difficult, as it became a dead tongue. This could be a good reason that why Henry Wilberforth Colerk, as a translator of the Divan, translated this very sonnet inaccurately, especially the Shirazi parts of it. As a critic of Clarke's translation, I should say that the common error of a diligent translator as Clarke was the lack of understanding of the Shirazi dialect and as a result, he gave a free translation of Shirazi Parts, unlike the Arabic and Persian parts, which have an accurate translation.   Conclusion The translation of Mosalas of Hafez by Clarke also contains a few points: 1)                 Clarke did not translated The Divan on the basis of a correct version of it, which is a common error throughout his translation of Divan and especially the above sonnet. 2)                 Clarke, in addition to giving a free translation, ignored most of the concepts and meanings, and better to say he misunderstood the Shirazi parts and translated it inaccurately. It should also be noted that before translating a literary work, the text must first be understood, and then the lingual shifting process will be carried out. The mistake of Clarke was that he did not properly understood the Shirazi dialect and therefore he did not provide a correct translation. .}, keywords = {Shirazi Dialect,Molamaat,Mosalasat,Wilberforce Clarke}, title_fa = {کژخوانی های ویلبرفورث کلارک از گویش شیرازی و مثلّث حافظ}, abstract_fa = {بر اساس آنچه در آثار مورخین دوران اسلامی آمده است، قدمت شهر شیراز به نخستین سده پس از اسلام بازمی‌گردد؛ امّا پیشینه زبان‎‌شناختی گویش شیرازی حاکی از دیرینگی باستانی این شهر دارد. گویش مردم شیراز در طول حیات خود سه دوره تاریخی را پشت‌سر گذاشته ‌است: دوره نخست، دوران باستان و پیش از اسلام است که با شواهد غیرمستقیم، امّا بر پایه اصول زبان‌شناسی قابل ردیابی است. دوره دوم، در بازه‎ای مابین قرون هفتم تا نهم هجری خلاصه می‎شود. این ایّام، روزبازار رواج و روایی گویش شیرازی است. از قرن دوازدهم هجری، با به‌تخت‌نشستن شهریار زند و نام برآوردن شیراز به عنوان پایتخت ایران، گویش شیرازی رفته‌رفته به لهجه‎ای از زبان فارسی بدل شد. امّا با مهجور‎شدن این گویش، فهم و بازسازی آن نه تنها برای عامّه مردم، که برای ادیبان و مترجمان نیز کاری بس دشوار گشت. در این جستار، که با تکیه بر منابع کتابخانه‌ای و به صورت تحلیلی فراهم آمده، سعی بر آن است تا ضمن بررسی پیشینه پژوهشی در باب گویش شیرازی، چند و چون ترجمه مثلّث معروف حافظ، موسوم به برگردان هنری ویلبرفورث کلارک، مورد تأمّل قرار گرفته و نشان داده شود که ویلبرفورث کلارک در فهم و به تبع آن، ترجمۀ متن مذکور، به سهوهای متعددی گرفتار آمده است.}, keywords_fa = {گویش شیرازی,ملمّع,مثلّث حافظ,ویلبرفورث کلارک}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2330.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2330_6b9b1f4c79343e70db5476071b100661.pdf} } @article { author = {karimi, abbas and همتی, شهریار}, title = {Feedback of Mani beliefs in Arabic literature(Relying on poems off "aboathie; abunovas; aboala; bashar)}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {205-229}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.10370.1733}, abstract = {Introduction Undoubtedly, the Religion Circuit human has always been looking for ways to approach his God in the field of religion and beliefs. In this context, mysticism, zeal and Sufi are tangible and familiar words for all religions. When we reach Sufi beliefs in different religions, Suddenly we will notice the convergence of the themes in some of them, which themselves created the hypotheses in the background of its origins. Mani religion as one of the oldest patterns of asceticism in ancient Iran has special components. The slowest reflection of Man's religion is its mystical dimension, and it is based on the knowledge or cognition that is called the "Genus" in this tradition. Mani introduced the exquisite insight with the name of cleanliness, and considered it superior to the purification of body, and everywhere referred to it as the term "living water" . According to the Manichaean view, human beings in this world are struggling with light and darkness and have to save themselves from the clutches of evil and darkness. The extent of the propagation of this religion in the third to the ninth centuries was comprehensive, but in the Middle Ages they continued to live in secular sects. Efforts to reset the signs of this religion after the arrival of Islam into Iran is difficult. With the fall of the Umayyad caliphate and the advent of the Abbasid, with the support of the Persians and the help of the desire of the dwindling civilization of the ancient Persians, the translation movement of scientific works was formed And the Iranians were able to offer their own civilization to Islamic civilization. Although the familiarity of the Arabs with the Manichean ideas is related to the time of Anoushirvan That is, when Masdakis believed in the Kish Mani, escaped to the Hejaz lands But the emergence of these ideas in literature dates back to the time of the establishment of the Abbasid caliphate. When less professional poetry can be found , his court is devoid of components of Man's thought, such as worldliness, rationalism, degeneration of the body, or darkness, and the supremacy of the soul, or the same brightness. 2.Methodology This study is based on the descriptive analysis method by using library research and studying the mythical elements constituting the myth. The researcher's attempt is to answer certain questions of some thinkers of the field of literature in this space. Did the Arabic orderists follow the order of the ancient Persians? Or are the two herders of the other gorges? The purpose of this study was to clarify that the application of the components of Manichaean mysticism in the structure of the wicked poems after the advent of Islam 4. Discussion Mani was born in 216 AD in the southeast of Ctesiphon, a city in the southeast of Tigris, in the middle of Rhonda. Although they have given him the nickname "Al-Babylou" , However, he does not have a Babylonian principle because his parents are Iranians. His father from Hamadan and his mother was a descendant of the Parthian princes. Manitheism is a deep manifestation of old and old-world beliefs in Iran. Undoubtedly, worldview and recognition of Manichi's mysticism has been based on Gnostic beliefs. Genus is a Greek word for Indian and European origins. This term has been used in Adaptive Diction And reflects an ancient intellectual trend that emphasized the awareness of mystic secrets . (Ismail Pour; 1373: 13). The basis of Gnostic thought was based on the refinement and cultivation of the soul. It seems that this religion has focused on specific points and doctrines for the promotion of mental health and soul's health. According to Manni followers, the material world is a combination of light and darkness. The phenomenon of darkness, which is the same evil, is overcome in the world and it is the duty of man to release the inner light and the light of the divine. The basis of their thought is the result of the battle between darkness (body) and light (soul). This colorful gem must be freed from this material world and go to heaven. It should be noted that, according to researchers and evidence, it can be claimed that "Ismailis is the first group of Muslims who, in the nineteenth century, were influenced by gnosis and Mannit as their core ideas. Gnostic thoughts and myths were most likely transmitted to the Shia and Ismaili graves through Slaves that had converted to Islam in the Baniyama period and lived in Kufa. It is clear that the great role of the Persians in overthrowing the Umayyads and the transfer of power to the Abbasid dynasty can not be easily passed. After that, with the support of the Iranian people present in the ruling apparatus, the movement of translation and transfer of knowledge was formed from various nations, especially Iranians. Western historian Nicholson believes in this regard: "Despite the lack of clear evidence, the prominent position of the theory of knowledge in the thought of the first Sufi reflects their contact with the Gnostic tradition. (Nicholson, 1382: 52). This research has decided to study the components of mystical mysticism among the Arab poets during the Abbasid period. Hence, it is necessary to refer to some of the main vocabulary of Manichi's thought and then to mention some of his poems. Light and Darkness:  Manni believes that the material world is a combination of light and darkness. The phenomenon of darkness, which is the same evil, is dominated by the world, and the duty of man is to liberate inner light and light Yisada. An example of Manjian literature about this: "I knew the bright prince / that is the tree of life / I found darkness / the tree of death" (Ismail Pour, 2002: 47). Shahriar of Darkness is the true embodiment of evil But Shahriar of brightness  instead of Ahura Mazda,is  the same Zervan. The action of evil, without any provocation by the god of light, is like an invasion. In this way, the reflection of Abu al-Atahiya's thought was enough to convey the meaning of Zedekh (2). Good and Evil are couples / So a product and therefore a product It seems that Abu al-Atahiyeh during Abbasid rule, which is the beginning of the direct influence of Islamic civilization on Iranian civilization ,  decided to base his discourse on a combination of the main theme of Manichaean mysticism and its integration with the structure of Islamic mysticism. Rationalism and wisdom: Another basic approach to Man's thought is reason and logic. In Arabic literature, rationalism has been so dominated by poets that the great ones, such as Abu al-'Ala'a al-Ma'ari, have long sought to unconsciously inherit this inner gem: O God, be devoted to the / Ask him every reason                                       (Al-Ma'ari, 1381: 642) travel:       The purpose of the trip is to recapture and retrieve the inner gem of man, The pearl, or the same spirit that was seen in Manichaean mysticism as a symbol and symbol, During a human journey, It's like a colorful gemstone in the world of dirt. The horizons of mystical thoughts in Arabic literature, especially during the Abbasid period, are not exempted from such examples. We are only a vehicle with a travel  /Day, to the shadow of the two separated (Abu-Ataa, 1997: 347) Contentment, distraction from the creation:  Because the ghost  has a divine structural spirit And the root of the body is devilish Therefore, the body should be pressed to grow along with the weakening of the body and then its darkness, the spiritual or divine dimension of it. Abū Al-Atahijah, in the literature of the Abbasid period, spoke in his oneself with his tomb: (Abu al-Atahi: 1997: 320) The same is true for us     / Even when we are not supported Avoiding Wine: Avoiding drinking wine that somehow causes evil and darkness helps freedom of soul and human separation from material dependencies. Although certainly based on Islamic principles, wines are considered haram and Muslims avoid wine based on it , But it was very common in the Umayyads and Abbasids. Sheikh Mireer's approach to wine-making in addition to the Islamic roots also speaks of his tendencies to the principles of Manichaean Sufism . Do not drink wine/for the condition                                                      Go eat and grief  (Maari, 1381: 406) 4.Conclusion The main strategy of faith is based on the duality of the body and soul, in which liberation is achieved only with the spiritual truth. After the advent of Islam in the land of Iran and the replacement of the new religion, it was difficult to completely eliminate the previous beliefs. Hence, after the passing of the Muslim conquests and the deployment of peoples under the brink of new sovereignty, oppressed ideas and ideas became an exquisite phenomenon, replacing some Islamic beliefs. Including asceticism and mysticism. o give Islam an inspiration to Manichaean beliefs can be seen as the cradle of the establishment and expansion of their ideas in the Muslim world. This approach was developed by Iranian translators and the foundation for the development of Sufism with Iranian essence and Islamic nature. The study of the teachings of the Religion of Mani in the context of the teachings of the Arab poets during the Abbasid period brings us to the idea that the influence of this religion has become so rooted in the literature of this period that no one can oppose it. Reading some common ground on the content, content and vocabulary, along with their adaptation to Manichaean's conception, is very involved in forming the hypothesis that the origins and virtues of these thoughts can be shared. ld represent the essence of the dynamics of at the heart of Islamic civilization is the civilization of Iran.}, keywords = {Mysticism,Abbasi's poems,Mystic mani}, title_fa = {بازخورد باورهای مانوی در ادبیات عرب (با تکیه بر سروده های ابوالعتاهیه؛ ابونواس؛ ابوالعلاء؛ بشّار)}, abstract_fa = {چکیده: بررسی مؤلفه‌های عرفان در ادبیّات جهانی به‌نوعی خبر از تقارب خاستگاه در همۀ آنها دارد. از جمله کهن‌ترین الگوهای عرفان، مانی و اندیشه‌های زهدمآبانۀ اوست. وی با درایت تمام منجی‌گری را از مسیحیت، ثنویت را از زرتشتی و تناسخ روح را از مذهب بودایی برگرفت. بُن‌مایۀ عرفان او هبوط روح، رهایی آن از دنیای تاریکی و پاکیزگی روان بوده، که از آن به «آب زنده» یاد کرده است. هدف این پژوهش آن است که میزان قدرت، نفوذ و اثرپذیری شاعران زاهدمسلک تازی از بُن‌مایه‌های کهن‌الگوی عرفان مانی را، بازخوانی کند. شیوۀ پیش‌رو تطبیق مهم‌ترین مؤلفه‌های اندیشۀ مانی است. این رویکرد حاکی از آن است که پس از ظهور اسلام و به‌خصوص در دورۀ عباسی، شاعران تازی با آگاهی و اطلاع در کلام منظوم خویش از باورهای کهن ایرانی بهره برده‌اند. اشتراک مضامین و واژه‌ها در این مجال نمی‌تواند اتّفاقی باشد، بلکه تأییدی است بر تقدّم خاستگاه آن در بین ایرانیان باستان. این فرضیه می-تواند بیانگر جوهره‌ای از پویایی تمدّن ایران در دل تمدّن اسلامی باشد.}, keywords_fa = {کلیدواژگان: زهدیات,سروده های دورۀ عباسی,عرفان مانوی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2331.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2331_404271dc56688df59c7ff10f55298510.pdf} } @article { author = {محمدی افشار, هوشنگ and جهادی حسینی, سیّد امیر and یعقوبی چترودی, محمدرضا}, title = {Reflect Of Epic in Elhami Kermanshahi's Shahed-Nameh}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {231-256}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.9990.1711}, abstract = {  1. Introduction The Iranian religion changed after Islam, but some of their national and religious beliefs remained in the form of mythology and epics in the people's culture, and later appeared in Shahnameh and other texts. Ferdowsi has not seen any conflicts between being a Muslim and Shiite and preserving the ancient glories of the Iranian people and adhering to the national identity, and with his knowledge and intelligence he has achieved a wise balance between the prehistoric Iran culture and the Islamic culture (Afshari, 2000: 30). The most influential religious epic is the Ashura incident that affects Iranian Muslims, whether consciously or unconsciously, they establish a balance between this event and their past culture. This process continues with the Qajar government and the importance they gave to Ta'zieh and religious poems. And many influential Ashuraii poems have been written in this period. This research is an attempt to investigate the reflection of the elements of the national epic of Iran in the epic-religious poem book of Shahednameh by Elhami Kermanshahi, who viewed Imam Hussein's uprising as an epic. Elhami is known as "Hosseini Ferdowsi", and this name is given in the works of his contemporaries and fellow citizens. Writing this religious poem, Elhami is without a doubt one of Ferdowsi's greatest followers. He has beautifully established this proportion between the Iranian Shia, who loves Hussein ibn Ali (AS) with Iranian nationality (ibid: 28). This great poet known as "King of Karbala's Ferdowsi" or "Husseini Ferdowsi" passed away on 1946. He was initially a common man and being inspired to write a Masnavi, is also very considerable. If we do not hesitate about the dream of Mirza Ahmad ibn Rustam and his inspiration to write about the Third Imam of the Shiites (AS), the creation of a work with the epic side and that imitating Hakim Abolqasem Ferdowsi, is highly notable. . As we know, this style has a background in the history of Persian literature. We read the story of the changing nature of poets such as Nasir Khosrow and Sanai, and the inspiration in sleep (whether real or not), and the cutting off of material realities and turning to spiritual realities, but the story of being inspired to write an epic has a low profile and, as far as we know. This again reveals the mystery of the survival of Shahnameh by Ferdowsi, which inspires Iranians in the creation of religious works, both in the dream and in the awakening.   2. Methodology The research methodology is descriptive-analytic and based on the library method. After introducing Ferdowsi's style in Shahnameh and the quality of the application of the epic elements of Shahnameh, the reflection of this method in Shahednameh by Elhami Kermanshahi as religious epic is discussed.   3 Discussion Elhami Kermanshahi has been very much inspired by Hakim Abulghassem Ferdowsi in writing his poem; As if he had assumed for himself not to leave the scope of Shahnameh and to follow exactly the master of the Tous. One can refer to Elhami as one of Ferdowsi's best and most loyal ambassadors, whether in terms of form and type of literature, or in terms of choosing words and describing epic and battle scenes. In what follows, some of the similarities of Shahednameh and Shahnameh are mentioned: The use of weapons and ammunition: In Shahednameh, like Shahname, we encounter so many cases of referring to weapons used at war. Vocabulary: There are many vocabularies of Shahnameh used in Shahednameh, such as: Dezham, Abnous, Palhang, Badafreh, Angesht, Espahbod, Sandors, Bivar, Koupal, Fetrak, Hozhabr, Khoaligaran, Bargastovan, Khaftan, Bighareh, Bijadeh, Charmeh, … Some of these words have been frequently used in Shahednameh, such as: "Binandeh". This word means "eye" in Shahnameh and although it has become obsolete in Elhami's time, it is used again with a high frequency and with the same meaning. Similie: According to the necessity of poetry and its epic style and description of the battle scenes, beautiful and artistic similies are used, which are more imitative of Shahnameh, and there are, of course, some innovative ones. The followings are some examples: "Be Kerdare Baad", "Daryaye Simab", "Almasgoun", "Kan Bedakhsh", "Rakhshandeh Bargh and Khoroushandeh Bargh", "Daryaye Atash", "Azargashsb", "Baad Damaan", "Shir Dezhagah", "Daryaye Simab", "Ezhdehaye Kalim", "Mahe No", …   4. Conclusion Shahednameh or Bagh Ferdows by Elhami Kermanshahi is a long, coherent, poetic narrative of the life of the third Imam of Shiite, Hussen ibn Ali (AS). This narration begins with the advent of Muawiya's death and Imam Hussein's (AS) decline of allegiance to his son, commemoration of the events of Karbala and the martyrdom of Imam and his followers and the captivity of his family until his return to Medina. The poet recounts this incident in a coherent narrative project, and this narrative never goes away from the mainstream. Some of Shahednameh's epic elements: Marvels The hero of the epic, with its extraordinary actions, provokes the reader's sense of wonder and awe. Things like killing monsters, divs, lions, dragons, long and one-off battle with a massive army that is not normally made by ordinary humans. Aristotle writes about why marvels play an important role in the epics: "Extraordinary affairs, of course, are a source of pleasure and acceptance, and the proof of the proof of it is that all people when they want to quote and narrate an incident, add something to it to make it enjoyable and acceptable" (Aristotle, 1974: 106). The context of Shahednameh is religious and historical, so we should not expect marvels in it, yet we encounter some. Exaggeration or Hyperbole This Kermanshahi poet has used exaggeration over other literary techniques and this has increased the epic value of his poem. The remarkable point is that these exaggerations are not claimed and inappropriate, and they are in the normal course of the story language and are often artistic. Prophecy In Shahednameh, some prophecies occur in the dream world. When it is quoted from the Prophet of Islam (PBUH) and Alin inb Abi Taleb (AS). In the fourth street, Mokhtar becomes aware of future through Soroush. Rodomontade In the rodomontade of Ashura,  the introduction of their name and descent, their religious beliefs and ethical traits, expressing their battling power and calling on their opponent, and blaming the opponent is the criterion of good and bad. Elhami also beautifully portrays these spells in the illustration of the battles. Revenge This feature is also used in religious epics. In his religious epic, the poet dedicates his book "The Fourth Street" to the uprising and the taking revenge for the martyrs of Karbala.   Ferdowsi's Shahnameh is one of the most valuable sources of Persian language and the mirror of epic elements of Iran. One can clearly see its dominance over all the epic works after that. The effect of the ethical and religious attraction of Shahnameh has caused some poets to pay attention to wars and religious events, and epic stories with religious themes. Shahednameh or "Four Streets of Heaven" has been written with a fine style, narrating the Ashura and Imam Hossein's uprising, imitating Ferdowsi's Shahnameh. Elements of Iranian national epic are evident in this poem, such as battle, marvels, exaggeration, prophecy, rodomontade, revenge and narration.}, keywords = {Keywords: Epic,Shahnameh,Religious Epics,Shahednameh,Elhami Kermanshahi}, title_fa = {بازتاب حماسۀ ملی بر شاهدنامه الهامی کرمانشاهی}, abstract_fa = {شاهنامۀ فردوسی همواره به صورت یک جریان فرخندۀ فرهنگی و ادبی تا امروز ادامه و استمرار داشته است و به عنوان یک منبع ارزشمند از عناصر اسطوره‌ای و حماسی ایران، بر آثار حماسی پس از خود به ویژه حماسه‌های مذهبی تأثیر فراوان گذاشته است. حماسه‌های مذهبی پس از زوال حماسه‌های ملّی آغاز می‌شوند. در دورۀ قاجار به دلیل نهضت بازگشت ادبی و وقوع انقلاب مشروطه و تحوّلات آن، حماسه‌های فراوانی با موضوع عاشورا و وقایع آن سروده شده‌است. یکی از منظومه‌های حماسی-مذهبی مهمّ این عصر، شاهدنامۀ الهامی کرمانشاهی می‌باشد که با تقلید از حماسۀ ملّی ایران به شرح وقایع کربلا پرداخته است. در پژوهش حاضر ضمن معرّفی شاهدنامۀ الهامی کرمانشاهی، تأثّرات آن از شاهنامۀ فردوسی مورد بررسی قرار می‌گیرند. عناصر حماسۀ ملّی ایرانی طبق شاهنامه، شناخته و معرّفی می‌گردند و در نهایت به بازتاب این عناصر در منظومۀ شاهدنامه پرداخته می‌شود. حماسه‌های مذهبی پس از زوال حماسه‌های ملّی آغاز می‌شوند. در دورۀ قاجار به دلیل نهضت بازگشت ادبی و وقوع انقلاب مشروطه و تحوّلات آن، حماسه‌های فراوانی با موضوع عاشورا و وقایع آن سروده شده‌است. یکی از منظومه‌های حماسی-مذهبی مهمّ این عصر، شاهدنامۀ الهامی کرمانشاهی می‌باشد که با تقلید از حماسۀ ملّی ایران به شرح وقایع کربلا پرداخته است. در پژوهش حاضر ضمن معرّفی شاهدنامۀ الهامی کرمانشاهی، تأثّرات آن از شاهنامۀ فردوسی مورد بررسی قرار می‌گیرند. عناصر حماسۀ ملّی ایرانی طبق شاهنامه، شناخته و معرّفی می‌گردند و در نهایت به بازتاب این عناصر در منظومۀ شاهدنامه پرداخته می‌شود.}, keywords_fa = {حماسه,شاهنامه,حماسه‌های مذهبی,شاهدنامه,الهامی کرمانشاهی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2332.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2332_3349c867d6cd183ab16f8e61245e2ca8.pdf} } @article { author = {Mortazavi, mehdi and Mosapour Negari, Fariba}, title = {Tourism as the Base of Triangle of the Security, Empathy and Development of Sistan and Baluchestan Province}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {257-284}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.7737.1533}, abstract = {Introduction Tourism is one of the most important issues in modern societies. In fact, with the support of tourism in the country, various sectors of the community are activated, including hotels, restaurants, transportation, crafts and much more. As a result of these activities, the employment of labor in specialized and public sectors is expanding. The attention of governments to the tourism sector in some countries has shown that the proceeds from it will directly benefit the community, while the governmental sectors will also be affected. In the studied area, Sistan and Baluchestan province, despite the vast potential of tourist attractions, tourism is almost not well known. In this paper, it will be attempted to suggest suitable solution to establish sensation of security, empathy and development based on tourism. In fact, this industry, which is new in Iran, is not only important for development of the country, but it could also cause for empathy between different ethnicities and revealed religion, and sensation of security. Unfortunately, the tourism pathology in Sistan and Baluchestan province has not been written much and is not considered as worthy of the province. Sistan and Baluchestan province, which is limited to the provinces of Kerman and Hormozgan from the west, to the province of Khorasan from the north and from the east to the countries of Pakistan and Afghanistan, to the south to the Oman Sea can have many tourist attractions from different point of view. These potentials can be found in the field of cultural heritage, social, environmental, sports, religious, industrial, and commercial tourisms.  Sistan and Baluchestan Province has two major ethnicities, including Sistani and Baluchistani, in addition to these two ethnic groups, people from other provinces of the country, such as Yazd, Kerman, Khorasan, and a number of other provinces live in Sistan and Baluchestan Province. Intermediary function of the province especially its center, Zahedan, has caused for the presence of new ethic groups from other provinces. On the other hand, the existence of two religions from Islam, Shiism and Sunnis, has added to this diversity. At the same time, this diversity has been at the hands of the colonial powers that have been present in the region. The province has economic, trade and tourism talents, but the feeling of insecurity and vulnerability of empathy are the main obstacles to achieve the above talents. With the expansion of the tourism industry, based on the support of this important and revenue-generating industry, it is believed that the necessary conditions could be established to create a sense of security, empathy and, ultimately, development. In fact, with the logical support and development of the tourism industry, relations between the various parts of the province, on the one hand, and with other provinces and abroad, on the other hand, arise, which in turn creates empathy among the people of the region. In the tourism industry, the interests of people are tied together and they try to maintain their source of income for survival and life, and in this regard they will try their best. If this is not the case today, it is important because of the weakness of planning in this industry. If people in the region are aware of the interests of the tourist, whether domestic, national or international, they will no longer go to neighboring countries to work. They will try to eliminate the feeling of insecurity and create the necessary facilities for audiences in order to keep the audience satisfied with the tourist attractions of their province. In such encounters, host communities will be affected by the tourist culture and will increase the cultural sharing and interaction between them. The existence of great civilizations in the Sistan and Baluchistan region is an obvious example of this cultural sharing. For example, people in the Sistan plain and the Bampur Valley (Baluchestan) during the third millennium BC lived well in their area and created their communal economic and cultural development as important civilizations between the two great civilizations, Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley. The above two regions in southeast Iran, as an intermediary region between the above two civilizations, came to such an advancement in the fields of agriculture, industry and commerce that their commercial goods, in particular semi-precious stones, including Lapis Lazuli and Soapstone in Mesopotamia and Turkmenistan had attracted a lot of customers. In fact, the intermediary function of the region during millenniums was tied to the interests of the people of the region, and they were struggling to survive and live better and this could be seen through their archaeological remains. Each of the many attractions mentioned above has a special audience that brings with it currency and income, and here, tourism is as the important industry that has invisible exports and could be one of the main basis for the development of the province. So, if these tourism attractions are ready, what is needed is precise management and planning that the well-known researchers come to know about the sensitivities of the area. Today, along with many tourist sites such as the Pisa Tower in Italy, Eiffel in France, the Pyramids of Egypt, etc., works of art and decorations related to those works are produced and sold by artists. This function, while creating employment and income, also promotes the culture of the regions. Encouraging the producing of works of semi-precious stones along with the tourism industry will lead to the development of international trade routes. In fact, the situation of the regions will increase the importance of constructing these roads. The connection between the two regions of Sistan and Baluchestan will bring them closer to provide the needs of their audience. Therefore, these commonalities, which are now observable, will also bind the interests of the peoples of these two regions of the province, which will ultimately lead to their empathy to gain an ideal life. At the end of this discussion, it is necessary to give a brief mention of some of the most important obstacles to tourism in Sistan and Baluchestan province. Being on the border and feeling of insecurity is perhaps one of the most important of these factors. As mentioned above, Sistan and Baluchestan provinces have long borders with both Afghanistan and Pakistan. Indeed, insecurity in the two neighboring countries has caused feeling of insecurity in Sistan and Baluchestan province. This feeling has prevented private sector investment in the tourism industry and related infrastructure. On the other hand, the audience of the province's tourism, which is the people of our country and other countries, also have little interest in traveling to this province. Regarding the security, Sistan and Baluchestan is in the list of Red Zone countries for some European Countries. But, as mentioned, empathy is the most important factor for investment stability. Perhaps this feeling of insecurity itself is not a reason to neglect tourism studies in the province. While such studies, especially in the infrastructure sector, can provide an understanding of the existing conditions and the basic needs of the tourism sector.}, keywords = {Tourism,Empathy,security,Development}, title_fa = {گردشگری قاعدهء مثلث امنیت، همدلی و توسعه استان سیستان و بلوچستان}, abstract_fa = {احساس ناامنی، ضربه پذیر بودن همدلی و توسعه نیافتگی از مهمترین مشکلات استان سیستان و بلوچستان می باشند. مهمترین ویژگی این مشکلات که در زمانهای مختلف به طرز متفاوتی بروز می کنند، ارتباط تنگاتنگ میان آنها می باشد. در واقع همین ویژگی چنان آنها را در هم آمیخته است که با ارائه یک راهکار مناسب می توان بر همه این مشکلات فائق آمد. نزدیکی این استان با کشورهایی همچون افغانستان و پاکستان که همواره مورد توجه گروههای خرابکار و قاچاقچی بوده است، شرایط نامناسب آب و هوایی در این منطقه و وجود قومیتها و مذاهب تشیع و تسنن زمینه های بروز این مشکلات می باشند. تلاشهای بسیاری برای از بین بردن هر یک از این مشکلات صورت پذیرفته است اما چون این اقدامات منفرد بوده و تمامی این مشکلات در آن دیده نشده است، این تلاشها نیز بی ثمر بوده اند. در این مقاله سعی خواهد شد تا با ارائه راهکارهایی مناسب زمینه ایجاد احساس امنیت، همدلی و توسعه با تکیه بر صنعت گردشگری مهیا گردد. در واقع این صنعت مهم که در کشور ایران جدید نیز می باشد، نه تنها زمینه ساز توسعه خواهد بود بلکه همدلی میان اقوام مختلف، تشیع و تسنن و در نهایت احساس امنیت را به ارمغان آورد.}, keywords_fa = {گردشگری,همدلی,امنیت,توسعه}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2333.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2333_0510bd6fa5e351e459a7b9648bf6ac22.pdf} } @article { author = {moaddab, sasan and Fazlinejad, Ahmad}, title = {Territory of Iran in Thought and Works of Nizami Ganjavi}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {285-309}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.10851.1763}, abstract = {Introduction In his works, Nezami-e-Ganjavi has paid a great deal of attention to the name of Iran and particularly mentions it as the most focal and apex of Alexander's rule. In his viewpoint, Iran is pearl and the most important portion of the seven continents and holds that the conqueror of this territory has indeed owned the most fruitful land of the globe. The issue of seven continents and presence of its kings' daughters in seven-domes beside to Bahram-e-Gore as the king of Iran territory is the overt indication of Nezami's opinion towards the Iran's centrality and dominance over other territories. Nezami-e-Ganjavi was living in Caucasus in where various ethnic groups with different cultures had gathered together and the affectation of the Turks and Arabs was also at work. More importantly, the Iranian political boundaries had long been destroyed and replaced with local governments. Given the relatively long period after composing Shah° Nameh by Ferdowsi, Nezami obligated himself to renovate again the issue of the Iranian identity through legendary and romantic tales. In comparison with other works of Nezami-e-Ganjavi, the issue of territorial identity has gained a higher stress in Nezami's Haft° Peykar and Eskandar° Nameh since in these works two foreign kings had dominated Iran. In the works of Nezami-e-Ganjavi, the issue of territorial identity has been rendered through both referring to cities, natural geographic places within Iran and naming Iran herself, seven continents and Ajam territory versus Arab one. 2. Methodology Through a descriptive-analytical method, this research has made use of library resources. Nezami's Khamseh was the most focal and essential existing source for studying territorial identity in which the most important elements of the Iranian territorial identity have been demonstrated through poetic evidences.   The most grounding dilemma of this research is determining the ends and causes of renarrating Iranian territorial identity by Nezami-e-Ganjavi, quality of Iran's position and territorial identity in the works of Nezami-e-Ganjavi and additionally demonstrating the effects of Caucasus region on the thinking line of Nezami-e-Ganjavi in expressing territorial identity. 3. Discussion Living in Ganjeh, Elias Ebn Joseph-e- Nezami is amongst the greatest Iranian poets. Located in the boundaries of the Islam world, Ganjeh was a border town and the Islamic combatants of all regions were dispatched there for the case of defending Islam (Zarrinkub.1993,7). Nezami's lifespan was in line with Seljuk dynasty. pretending to be defendant of the Iranian culture and language, Seljuk government was indeed composed of Turkish foreigners who had conquered and dominated ancestral Iran's territory and borders. Seljuks expanded the Iranian borders through their conquests but never applied them as a return to the integrated pre-Islamic territory. After Seljuk's demise and in coincidence with Nezami-e-Ganjavi,  local governments and the Seljuk's decomposed regimes ruled Caucasus and Azerbaijan regions. During this era, the presence of these local governments indicates the absence of political centrality and integration at Iran's political borders. The attention of regional governments to poetry and literature led Nezami to make use of his potential in this field and renarrate the Iranian identity and culture through the past stories. The importance of Caucasus and Azerbaijan for Nezami-e-Ganjavi lies within two reasons; firstly it was his own hometown and secondly it was among boundary territories of Iran and Minor Asia, so consequently it was under the effects of other cultures which in its turn caused cultural amalgamation and lastly diminished the characteristics of the Iranian identity in general and territorial identity in particular. In describing Azerbaijan and Erran in his works, Nezami-e-Ganjavi has implemented historical point of views. As instances he refers to Armenia within the story of Khosro- Shirin which during the governance of Khosro Parviz belonged to the Iranian territories for a while and by the same token he mentions cities and places in Azerbaijan and Caucasus regions which according to Eskandar° Nameh all were conquered by Alexander. The poet has made use of Azerbaigan which is an archaic name. In Eskandar° Nameh and during the distraction of fire temples by Alexander, Azerbaijan has been named as Azerbadgan (Nezami-e-Ganjavi, 1937:242). In Eskandar° Nameh and during poeticization of Alexander story, Nezami-e-Ganjavi has repeatedly mentioned the influences of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh and considering himself as his disciple with a slight change in northwest direction, introduces all mentioned boundaries of Shahnameh as the dominance of Alexander who is the king of Iran and the vale. In Haft°Peykar and Khosro Shirin, Nazami has also paid attention to the Iran's importance and specifically in Haft°Peykar introduces Bahram-e-Gore as an Iranian worthy and patriotic defendant who has considerably specified the Iran's borders versus other territories (Nezami-e-Ganjavi, 1936:89-99). In Ferdowsi's words, his greatest end is poeticizing poems about Iranian territory and her position among the Iranian people but Nezami has pursued the same through legendary and romantic tales. Owing to this and compared with Ferdowsi, Nezami has much less applied the names of Iran, seven territories and seven continents. According to Doustzadeh "in retrieve and revival of Ferdowsi's approach in paying attention to the Iranian past, Nezami has been after innovating a distinctive poetic style which was the indication of the great concern of his era" (Doustzadeh, 2009:392). Because of the conditions which took place in the post Islamic Iran and accordingly distortion of political borders, Nezami expressed both directly and indirectly the Iran's territorial identity. The terms of Iran and Iranian have frequently been mentioned in Nezami's works and mostly have been appeared in Eskandar° Nameh. The reason is that Alexander is non-Iranian in terms of Nezami and in his importance for the people in spite of his foreigness as the owner of the majesty. In governing Iran, Alexander should have had some justifications and defending the territorial boundaries of Iran by the Mecdonian king was the most notably one. Though Alexander is not an Iranian, the poet conceives him as a king who follows the archaic kings in governing method and paying attention to to the elements of Iranian identity. Nezami holds that Iran territory is a place wherein other characteristics of Iranian identity is formulated. In considering Iran, the issue of seven countries or seven continents is amongst  Nezami's main concerns. Regarding his own time conditions shows that Iran is the most important portion of the globe and seven continents. In courting Roushanak, Nezami introduces Alexander as the king of seven continents. In fact by conquering Iran he earned the mentioned title (Nezami-e-Ganjavi 1937:256). In relation to Iran, the most elegant and focal poems of Nezami have been declared in Haft°Peykar through addressing Kerparsalan;the king of Aghnasanghori. Conceiving the world as a body, in this context , Nezami knows Iran as its heart and as an argument says that the best part of the vale is where Iranians reside there (Nezami-e-Ganjavi, 1937:31). The poet makes use of Iranzamin term in his works for many times, specifically in and addressing letter written by Alexander to have Dara's letter answered. Here, Nezami on the behalf of Alexander refers to Iranzamin and in a sense introduces Alexander as the Iran's savior (Nezami-e-Ganjavi, 1938:158). Nezami in some of his works has indirectly referred to the name of Iran and has made use of terms like Ajam's territory (Nezami-e-Ganjavi, 1995:201). Jayhun and Alborz mountain, regarding its crucial role in a vast body of epic and historical changes, have also been considered by Nezami as the elements of the Iranian territorial identity, specially in the course of time passage, Jayhun was understood to be natural borderline between Iran and Touran (Nezami-e-Ganjavi, 1937:320). 3. Conclusion Compared with other works of Nezami-e-Ganjavi, the name of Iran has a higher frequency in Eskandar° Nameh and this lies within the fact that one the one side, being an imitation of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh, Eskandar° Nameh owns an epic intonation and on the other side, stressing the Iran's position before the eyes of foreigners, Nezami has intended both  to demonstrate interests of Macedonian Alexander towards Iran territory and defending her boundaries and justify Alexander's invasion to Iran, through narrating the tales of Dara and Alexander. The well known couplets rendered at the beginning of Haft°Peykar in which the whole globe is likened to a body and Iran is its innermost, are the apex of Nezami's viewpoint towards the issue of the Iranian territorial identity and since these couplets have been appeared at the outset of Haft°Peykar, so the reader is early faced with a book in which Iran has been faced against foreign territories and her important position is greatly stressed for the Iranian people. Considering the cultural multiplicity of Caucasians, Nezami-e-Ganjavi was well familiar with various cultures and customs. The cultural amalgamation in the Caucasus region undermined Iran's pre Islamic political and geographic boundaries which in its turn intensified Nezami's task of expressing territorial identity.  Nezami's lifespan was coincided with the lack of integrity in Iran, presence and influence of the Turks throughout the Iranian territory especially in Azerbaijan and Eran regions as well as the continuous penetration of the Abbasid caliphate in the eastern territories. After a long time since the poetization of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh, these factors prompted the poet to formulate the characteristics of territorial identity and longing of returning to the Iran's pre Islamic boundaries in an innovative approach.}, keywords = {Keywords: Territorial identity,Iran,Nizami Ganjavi,Eskandarnameh,Haft Peykar}, title_fa = {سرزمین ایران در اندیشه و آثار نظامی‌گنجوی}, abstract_fa = {چکیده چکیده نظامی‌گنجوی در آثار خود به ویژه در اسکندرنامه توجه زیادی به نام ایران نموده‌است و ایران را مهم‌ترین بخش فرمانروایی اسکندر و اوج فتوحات او ذکر می‌کند. جایگاه ایران‌زمین در نزد نظامی‌گنجوی، به عنوان سرزمینی مطرح می‌شود که دل هفت اقلیم و مهمترین بخش آن است و هر کس که بر این سرزمین چیره گردد، بهترین بخش زمین را متصرف گشته‌است. این پژوهش به روش توصیفی-تحلیلی فراهم آمده‌است و یافته‌های پژوهش حاضر نشان می‌دهد که نظامی‌گنجوی، در سرزمینی(قفقاز) ساکن بود که اقوام گوناگون با فرهنگ‌های مختلف در کنار هم گرد‌آمده‌بودند و در زمانه‌ای زندگی می‌کرد که نفوذ ترکان و اعراب همچنان ادامه داشت و مهم‌تر آن که مرزهای سیاسی ایران‌زمین مدت زمان زیادی بود که از بین رفته و حکومت‌های محلی جای آن را گرفته‌بودند؛ بنابراین وظیفه خود دانست تا با توجه به اینکه مدت نسبتاً زیادی از سرودن شاهنامه به وسیله فردوسی می‌گذشت، باردیگر مسئلۀ هویت سرزمینی ایران را از لحاظ کیفی در خلال داستان‌های عاشقانه و افسانه‌ای بیان‌کند و اندیشه ایرانیان را متوجه تمرکز سیاسی و بازگشت به مرزهای ایران پیش از اسلام نماید. نمود مسئلۀ هویت سرزمینی در هفت‌پیکر و اسکندرنامۀ نظامی از جایگاه برتری نسبت به دیگر آثار نظامی‌گنجوی برخوردار است. واژه های کلیدی: هویت سرزمینی، ایران، نظامی‌گنجوی، فردوسی، اسکندرنامه، هفت‌پیکر}, keywords_fa = {واژه های کلیدی: هویت سرزمینی,ایران,نظامی‌گنجوی,اسکندرنامه,هفت‌پیکر}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2334.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2334_45d84c3abb56e16892c5a705b7e3e942.pdf} } @article { author = {}, title = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {17}, number = {34}, pages = {1-310}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.2337}, abstract = {}, keywords = {}, title_fa = {دوره 17، شماره 34. اصل مجله}, abstract_fa = {}, keywords_fa = {}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2337.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2337_c7fe870a08312bb9560da02be45894ef.pdf} }