@article { author = {baghsheikhi, milad and Esmaeili Jelodar, Mohammad Esmaeil and khosrowzadeh, alireza and sheikhzadeh, mehdi and alian, alamdar}, title = {evidence newfound of the Sassanid presence in the Central Plateau (evaluation of archaeological evidence and written texts) Case Study Shirkooh area Nain}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {1-35}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.10920.1769}, abstract = {1.Introduction The location of Isfahan province in a highway which connects the north to the south and the east to the west has created a suitable situation for transformation and innovation of art and architecture. Naein in Isfahan province is a town located in the desert margin. Pakooh region is one of the villages of Naein located in the northwest. The ancient site of Shirkooh is in the vicinity of Separo Village located 6 kilometers away from the west of it. Due to its strategic location, this region has always been suitable for human settlements. Among the evidence which represents a Sassanian settlement in Shirkooh, one can mention a fortress, a Čahārṭāq (four arches), and Soffeh (Terrace platform).It is likely that in the past this region was located near a major communication highway. Hence, the Sassanid constructed a fortress on top of Shirkooh (Zardkooh).   2. Methodology The method of research in this paper is descriptive-analytical and data collection has been established by conducting a field survey and studying written documents. Using the second method, all information and data related to this paper, including historical texts and particularly geographical accounts, have been collected. By archaeological survey, architectural structures and cultural materials such as wares completely studied and documented. Then both data evaluated which made Comparative studies and relative chronology possible.   3. Discussion By studying the historical texts, we recognize that the state of Fars was not only a religious and political center but also officially important for the Sassanid dynasty. During the reformation of Khosrow I, Iran was divided into four sections. 1. Kust-e-xwarasan, northeast part؛2. Kust-e- xwarwaran, Southwest part؛ 3.Kust-e- Nimruz, Southeast part; 4. Kust-e- Adurbadgan, northwest part (Daryaee, 2009: 21-24).  According to some credible historical texts like Šahrestānīhā ī Ērānšahr Fars state was located in one of these sections called Kust-e- Nimruz. Based on some geographers of the early Islamic Centuries like Ibn Hawqel, Abu Abdallah Jayhani, and Istakhri, Fars was one of the most extensive states which was divided into five Kura and Naein is considered to be a town in Kura of Istakhr. (See also Istakhri, 1970: 15; Ibn Hawql, 1966: 34; Jayhani, 1989: 111). One of the most important evidence to complete the knowledge of existing historical sources about the presence of the Sassanid in the Central plateau of Iran can be obtained through archaeological studies. Although systematic studies haven’t been carried out in this region yet, some sporadic archaeological surveys indicate the existence of different historical periods, most notably in Shirkooh, a village located in the northeastern part of Nain. During this survey, archaeologists found a site consisting of a Čahārṭāq, a fortress, and a Soffeh which date back to the Sassanid and early Islamic era. The aim of this paper is to discuss these three important architectural structures.   Čahārṭāq (Four arches) Čahārṭāq and fire-temples are among the most important archaeological and yet controversial structures of the Sassanian architecture. The Čahārṭāq of Shirkooh, located in the central part of Naein, can also be placed in this category. In 2002 the building was listed as a national property of Iran with the registration no. 7222 and after that, it was restored by Shah-Hosseini (Shah-Hosseini, 2002: 327). The Čahārṭāq of Shirkooh is a square-shaped structure with approximate dimensions of 10 meters. Its current height is 12/40 meters, dome height is 6/10, and the internal height is 6/59 (Namjoo, 2013: 172). The architectural elements of Čahārṭāq consist of piers, arch, squinch, and dome. The interior has no special decoration, but remains of plasterwork could be seen in some parts of the squinches. Studying wares and plan of the building, we could say that this Čahārṭāq dates back to the Sassanid era. The well-known types of wares are bowls with smoothed or inverted rims (samples 2 and 3) comparable to wares of Chal-e-Tarkhan, Tel Abu-Sharifeh; and jars with quartet rounded rims (sample 4) can be compared with wares of Farsan (Khosrozadeh, 2014: figs. 83-5).   Shirkooh fortress The position of this fortress is in such a way that on top of it the Čahārṭāq is visible and on the other hand, the fortress is pretty obvious from the center of Čahārṭāq. Thus, these two structures are not far from each other. The fortress is constructed in the mountainous north of Shirkooh village. The plan of the fortress is almost irregular and a steep slope makes it hard to reach. The materials used in the construction of the fortress are cobblestones for the walls, mud-brick in towers and plaster as the main mortar of the entire building. At the interior of the fortress there is a rectangular structure which its directions are north-east south-west and somehow overlooking the low level of the plain and the village. The dimensions of this rectangular structure are 8 × 2 meters (Alian, 2007: 17). Due to unauthorized excavations inside the fortress, a piece of plasterwork was found; this piece is 16 cm long and 9.5 cm wide and its surface is engraved. The type of design, which is likely to be two-dimensional, could have been used as part of a plaster pillar or Qarniz (baseboard). It should be noted that due to a lot of damages it is not easy to discuss this piece. The side section has two vertical lines with two rows of pearls in the shape of laced circles. The main part of the design has also two waves motifs One up and the other down. Terrace platform of Shirkooh (Soffeh) Terrace platform is located at 38 7.33 N, 52 59 24 E (Aliyan, 2007: 21). It is constructed at the farthest end of the site which connects it to the mountain. The main construction material of this Soffeh consists of cobblestones of the river. Since this terrace platform is flat and elevated, from the top of it the fortress and Čahārṭāq are remarkably visible. Unfortunately, many unauthorized excavations have been carried out the site that can be considered as the most important factor in the destruction of the surface of the terrace platform. It should be noted that during the survey of Soffeh we haven’t found any cultural materials like wares. Overall it can be said that the most significant materials used in these structures (Čahārṭāq, fortress and terrace platform) are cobblestones and plaster mortar. Mud-brick was only used constructing fortification towers, while the plaster widely used for decorating and coating the walls of the fortress.   3. Conclusion Based on the information obtained from the Muslim geographers and historians, Shirkooh region was under the cultural-political supervision of Istakhr, known as the northernmost Kura of Fars. The mountains of the Shirkooh region are naturally considered as an enclosure to cover the site from the world outside. Shirkooh fortress was built on top of a relatively steep and impassable mountain placed at the northernmost part of the site. The plan of the fortress is approximately irregular because of the natural shape of the mountain. It is pretty obvious that the most important cultural material that exists in most of the sites and plays a crucial role in chronology is ware. The comparison of potsherds of Shirkooh fortress with samples of Chal-e Tarkhan at the central plateau of Iran, Qal'eh Yazdgerd at the west (Kermanshah province), Oltan Qalasi at Mugan plain, Hajiabad at Fars, Tureng Tepe at Gorgan , Tel Abu-Sharifeh at Iraq, indicates that the cultural materials of this site belongs to the Sassanid era. We believe because of the existence of a military fortress and a religious complex (Chartaghi) both close to a communication highway which connects south to the north and west to the east, Shirkooh must have been a principal site of the Sassanid era. Considering that the interior of the fortress is not so large, it might have been used as a military or road controlling fortress. We hope more archaeological research helps us expand our knowledge of the site, especially obtaining an absolute dating through interdisciplinary studies.}, keywords = {Sassanid,shirkooh Nain,Archeology,pottery}, title_fa = {شواهدی نویافته از حضور ساسانیان در فلات مرکزی(ارزیابی شواهد باستان‌شناختی و متون نوشتاری)؛ مطالعه موردی محوطۀ شیرکوه نائین}, abstract_fa = {متون دست اول تاریخی و شواهد باستان‌شناختی نظیر محوطه‌های باستانی و مواد فرهنگی (سفال، سکه و ..) و نیز کتب جغرافـیانویسان قـرون اولیـه‌ی اسلامی آگاهی‌هایی از تقسیمات اداری ایالت پارس در دوران تاریخی به ما می‌دهنـد و جملگی شهرستان نائین را جزء کوره‌ی اصطخر فارس می‌دانند. شهرستان نائین یکی از بخش‌های استان اصفهان در حاشیه-ی کویر است. شواهد متعدد و آثار برجای مانده از منطقه پاکوه نایین، نشان از اهمیت این منطقه در روزگار باستان به ویژه در دوره‌ی ساسانی دارد. پاکوه در 30 کیلومتری شمال‌غرب شهرستان و محوطه‌ی شیرکوه در 6 کیلومتری غرب روستای سپرو واقع شده است. به دلیلِ موقعیت جغرافیایی و سوق الجیشی، منطقه مستعد شکل‌گیری استقرارهای انسانی در طول زمان‌های مختلف بوده است. از جمله شواهد حضور ساسانیان در این منطقه می‌توان به قلعه، صفه و بنای چهارطاقی آن،‌ اشاره نمود که حاکی از اهمیت این منطقه در دوران پیش گفته است و احتمالاً در گذشته این محل، در مسیر راهی با اهمیت قرار داشته است که ساسانیان در آن اقدام به احداث قلعه‌ی در فراز کوه شیرکوه (کوه زرد) در آن کرد‌ه‌اند. مقاله حاضر با روش ارزیابی شواهد باستان‌شناختی و متون نوشتاری به حضور ساسانیان در این بخش از فلات مرکزی پرداخته و نتیجه اولیه بدست آمده نشان از اهمیت آن در دوره ساسانی دارد.}, keywords_fa = {ساسانی,شیرکوه,نائین,باستان شناسی,سفال}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2410.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2410_98d9513a0bb9456cc15bf77e850ae1e4.pdf} } @article { author = {jafari dehkordi, nahid}, title = {Reading out Khayyam in light of the circumstances of his time Case Study: Garden City, South of Neyshabour (Shadyakh)}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {37-66}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.10975.1771}, abstract = {                                                     1. Introduction Iranians have been one of the pioneers of gardening in the world and have developed a special form of garden with the name of Iranian Garden. Although the gardens had different and sometimes conflicting uses for them, they were often localized for comfort and relaxation. An Iranian effort to construct a parody of Paradise/ Ferdows or Grantham of Zoroastrianism has given the holy gardens a great value. Accordingly, the thought of Garden - Paradise has also had an effect on the Iranian worldview in the Islamic religion. The description of the Holy Qur'an from Paradise, in many respects, is in accordance with Persian Ferdows, as the name of the Avestaan of Ferdows, Roza and Rezvan in the Quran also expresses it. Iranians have long been interested in buried in gardens; these types of gardens known as "Gardens of Gardens" have a special place in the study of Iranian garden culture. Nowadays, in large cities, where there is no possibility of burials in gardens, most Iranians work on trees over the tomb of the dead. Some of the great gardens in Iran have such a material and spiritual value that their name has remained in history. Historical gardens of Tabriz, Shiraz, Herat, Nishapur and Balkh, Isfahan and Kerman are among the archipelago of Paradise. One of these famous gardens in Nishapur is Shadyakh, which is the subject of our study here.   2. Methodology  Although the meaningful relationship between the poems of all Iranian poets can be interpreted and explained in relation to nature and history around them, the distinctive features of the character of Khayyam and his hometown are more obvious than the causal relation of man-nature. The purpose of this research is to examine the effect of a very important part of Khayyam's poetry, which has influenced not only the fate of Nishapur, but also politically and culturally in other fateful places. To achieve this goal, first, the effect of geography on this poet's thoughts is investigated, then, the state and history of .... is taken into consideration, and finally, the effect of this atmosphere in the formation of Khayyam's poetry is analyzed.                     This essay is targeted by theoretical foundations, because due to its specific dependence on the epistemic domain, it is considered to be a knowledge-driven aspect; we are, by nature, descriptive-analytical-comparative. Hence, after explaining the subject, it explains how the situation is and the dimensions of it, and tilt to the argumentative basis through the matching of elements of the image with the poem of Khayyam in a similar subject. This way, of course, is the qualitative method of the criterion. The compilation of the information necessary to start the research, in the form of a library, and a collection tool, has been the index card. The research question is: Has Khayyam used Nishapur Gardens in his poetry? And what more are the themes of Khayyam as the significance of reflection in the form of poetry?   3. Discussion    The garden of Shadyakh and its surroundings as a separate gardens from Nishapur have, over time, run a very variable role for their motherland, sometimes Dar Al Saltanah, sometimes a gardener and an agricultural site, and sometimes also a place for the reconstruction of the lost identity of Nishapur. It happened many times that people who escaped from natural disasters, massacres and wounded people and patients and prisoners came from the corners of the ruins of the city to the Shadyakh and lived in its beautiful nature and reconstructed the identity of Nishapur, and when they realized they could build another Nishapur, Returned to the ruins and rebuilt the city. Shadyakh has repeatedly served as a mother for Nishapur. The joy was like a beautiful paradise, where the innocent person from Nishapur was never driven out, he was allowed to take refuge in his lap several times. The collapse of houses and walls and the great destruction of the ruins and ruins of the palace built inShadyakh were once again destroyed by an invading people or other founders of other clans, a permanent wheel in its life.And every time a Nishapur who survived these catastrophes intended to live in joy or herself, he used clay, soil, and building materials to build old neighborhoods to build a new residence. Those of the great emperors of the great poet, who refer to the disbelief of the world and the burrowing of masters and crowns and palaces, certainly refer to the story of Shadyak which remained in the memory of the unconscious Nishapourians. The explanation and interpretation of the thoughts of the scholars in relation to the environment and the geography of his life can be a key to the approach to the elements of his thinking. The question of why Khayyam was Khayyam, on the one hand, has its answer in Iranian culture, the events of that time, and on the other hand, in the historical geography of Nishapur.   4. Conclusion The period in which Khayyam lived was one of the most turbulent historical periods in Iran, especially Khorasan. In his time, Khorasan was still familiar with the memory of Iran's pre-Islamic culture, perhaps some still hoped that in the not too distant future, Iran would regain its former glory; however, the descent of the tribes of Ghaz, Tatar, followed by the Mongols, this Made Dream a tough nightmare and created a demagogic and disinterested philosophy of the world among the people. The Khorasan era of Khayyam was a scene of successive uprisings and destruction, as Khayyam likened this continuous cycle to "bombardment on the seas" in one of his quibbles. Obviously, in such an environment, the possibility of hope for happiness and happiness in it is somewhat overwhelming. Also, external aggression should be accompanied by conflicts among Sunnis and Shiites who caused some wars and devastation. The contemporary world of Khayyam was the birth of these riots and turbulences. According to a study, over the course of his life, 32 emperors and sons of various dynasties sat on the throne, many of them consigned to conspiracies and drowned or killed. Of these, there were three emirs of the Imam of Dalaili of Iraq, Khuzestan and Kerman, 12 Shah of Ghaznavids, 2 emirs of the Ziyaran dynasty, 5 Shahs of the Great Salajeq, 7 Shah of the Seljukites of Kerman, 1 Shah of Khwarazmshahians, 1 Amir of the Dalimians of Persia and 1 The Shah was from the Seljuqs of Iraq. The study of Khayyam's poetry, given the historical and geographical characteristics of his life environment, should first be sought in his contemporary world,However, if we can link these poems to a specific point, based on this link, all the poems can be adapted to its environment and geography, the garden of Shadyakh is a very good example that can be matched to any one of Khayyam's poems From the continuity with the history of ancient Iran, the riots, the transient beauties of nature, and the world's coldness to the Taliban, all existed in the form of this garden complex and influenced the poetry of the Eastern Philosophers. The findings suggest that a large number of Khayyam's poems, especially those referring to the destruction of palaces and the death of kings and intellectuals, are of course influenced by the history of Shadyakh. It shows the poet's influence on his surroundings. The cause of the matter must be sought in the state of the hapless and mournful history of Shadyakh.}, keywords = {Shadyakh,Nishapur,Mohammad Abad Garden,Khorramak Garden,Khayyam}, title_fa = {بازخوانی خیام در پرتو اوضاع زمانه خود مطالعه موردی باغشهر جنوب نیشابور (شادیاخ)}, abstract_fa = {باغشهر جنوبی نیشابور (شادیاخ) با جاذبه طبیعی خود در طول تاریخ، حکام زیادی را جلب کرد و بنا بر کشفیات باستان‌شناسی، از تاریخ و پیشینه بسیار قدیمی برخوردار است. پیش از اسلام گویا باغستانی شاه‌نشین بوده‌است. در اوایل دوره اسلامی از سرنوشت آن آگاهی چندانی حاصل نیست اما با برآمدن اولین سلسله‌های ایرانی، باز بدان‌جا توجه شد. طاهریان در آبادانی و مرمت شادیاخ کوشیدند و گران‌مایگی‌اش را بازگرداندند. پس از سقوط دودمان طاهری، شادیاخ تخریب شد و باز در دوره‌‌های بعدی تخریب و دگرباره تعمیر شد و این دور تا ضربه مهلک مغول ادامه داشت. چنین دوره‌های آبادی و ویرانی، در ذهن مردمان نیشابور، مثالی از کردار و خصلت جهان و حتی آمدوشد فصول بود و با تأثر بِدان خو کرده بودند. این جستار در پی آن است با مطالعات کتابخانه‌ای سرگذشت باغشهر را در بستر تاریخ نیشابور و تأثیری که بر خیام گذارده بوده مورد توصیف و تحلیل قرار دهد .نتایج نشان می‌دهد باغشهر موردنظر ما شاهد جشن و سرورها، سوگ‌ها، تشریفات، خدعه‌ها و بالاخره آبادانی‌ها و ویرانی‌ها بود. گاهی مآمن ماهرویان و گاهی مکمن ددان شد و روزی خرابه‌هایش در میان باغ و راغی به چشم می‌خورد که شاعری بر ربع و اطلال و دمن آن مویه می‌کند.}, keywords_fa = {شادیاخ,نیشابور,باغ محمدآباد,باغ خرمک,خیام}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2411.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2411_c0020a8f5d94fc30dfb7155705d047cd.pdf} } @article { author = {Rasekh, Keramatollah}, title = {Mirza Saleh Shirazi and reflexive traditionalism}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {67-93}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.11847.1823}, abstract = {1. Introduction    The aim of the study is to explore the possibility of applying 'reflexive traditionalism' concept with the empirical study of the travel book of Mirza Saleh Shirazi. The research method is bibliographic and has been carried out with the help of historical documents. 'Reflexive Traditionalism' is an expression of the reaction of tradition to modernity. Mirza Saleh was a member of the second group of Iranian students sent to study in England in 1815, who wrote a travel book on his experiences in England. The travelogue is distinguished for its various reasons, and probably the most famous travel report from the 19th century, is different in form and content from others. The journey begins on April 19, 1815, and continues until the day (November 24, p.1819) when they left Arzrum in the direction of Tehran. He and his friends left Iran across the Russian border and returned to Iran via the Ottoman Empire. Mirza Saleh devotes a large part of his work to the description of the history of these countries, mainly of England. The travel book of Mirza Saleh is examined with emphasis on the following aspects: 1) About Russia and Russians 2) England from his point of view 3) The English from the perspective of Mirza Saleh 4) On the Iranian 5) About his person. 2. Methodology The art of the research is qualitative and is based on the 'Grunded Theory' by Anselm Strauss and Barney Glaser, who propose the use of a special way to achieve new hypotheses, thus forming a theory based on the topic and the data. In their view, the process of creating the theory is a flexible process (Rasekh, Vol. II, 2012, p. 1144). Accordingly, it is sufficient for this study to formulate hypotheses in the form of inferences to justify further investigations on the basis of these hypotheses 3. Discussion This is a small step in the direction of a new theory of social change in the Muslim countries of the Middle East. These countries and societies have not been on the path of transformation from traditional to modern society, but have evolved from traditional societies to societies with 'reflective traditionalism'. 'Reflexive Traditionalism' and 'Reflective Traditional Societies' are terms to a theoretical attempt to find a number of categories to explain the conflict process in Middle East societies for the last two centuries (Rasekh, 2003, p.p.162-166; 2004, pp.16-24).The meaning of 'reflection' is the conscious, unconscious and even pre-reflexive personal, social and non-social external and internal factors (Beck, 1993, p.1996) (Beck, Giddens, Lash, 1996) (Schmalz-Bruns, 1995). According to the references and their subject matter mentioned above, 'tradition' and 'reflective traditionalism' can be defined as follows: tradition is the epistemological, cognitive, intellectual, cultural and social elements that influence mindset, behavior patterns, lifestyle, political thinking. Tradition is changing under the influence of culture, society, politics and economics and thus of social, philosophical and historical changes. 'Reflection' refers to the reaction of a phenomenon that is influenced by internal and external factors; Reflection tradition, therefore, means the reaction of tradition to tradition. Travel reports have been the subject of much research. To avoid a detailed review of the sources, only two works are mentioned here, which have already been published in German and Persian. The first book was published by Verlag Litte in 2000 (Rasekh, 2000) and the second book is a recent work entitled Reflective Traditionalism, introduction to Political Sociology of Iran (Qajar era) published by Agha Publishing in Persian (Rasekh, 2019). Five Iranian students were sent to England in 1815. This was the second group of Iranian students sent to England to study. Mirza Saleh Shirazi (1845-1704) was a member of the group who wrote a travelogue about his experiences explaining the trip and his life in the United Kingdom. Mirza Saleh's travelogue is the best-known travelogue of the first half of the 19th century. This travel guide is different from many perspectives of other travel report that has been written during this period, including two The features are impressive: content and writing style (Natal Khanlari, 2006) (Afshar, 1951)(Fragner, 1978)) (Alavi,1964) (Rasekh, 2000, pp.95-101). Mirza Saleh's journey began in April 1815 and lasts until November 1819. Mirza Saleh and his companions traveled through Russia to the United Kingdom and returned home with a ship via Istanbul. Mirza Saleh began his travelogue with describing of situation in Russia and the Ottoman Empire, but the most detailed section devoted to the United Kingdom: the political, social, historical background, the geographical location, the leisure of the English and the situation of the hospitals, the hobbies of people, industry, business and so on with careful attention. He arrived in the city about three years after the conquest of Moscow by Napoleon. Mirza Saleh describes in detail how the French campaign proceeds in Russia (Mirza Saleh, 1968, p.79, 86). Moreover, the pressure of the newspaper (ibid., p.105), schools (p. 83), carriages and hospitals (ibid., p.206) describe the relationship between girls and boys (ibid., p.86), but does not say much about them political relations in Russia. Mirza Saleh calls England 'the land of freedom' and states that there are laws in England that are specific to that country (ibid., p.315). Interestingly, the members of the lower house are called 'prosecutors'. The most outstanding feature of the British political system is the limited power of the king (ibid., 207). Mirza Saleh compares civil rights with 'the rights of the subjects'. Another point in the content of this quote is his understanding of freedom. The Parliament called 'the House of Commons' or 'House Consultation' and the representative 'the lawyer of the subjects' (ibid., p. 292, 269). Mirza Saleh acknowledged that 'governmental rules' are specific to this country (ibid., p. 315). The citizen participates in the determination of his own destiny through 'the parliament' (ibid., p.290). Mirza Salih sees the hospital as a place that smells of "humanity and kindness, inherent and benevolent" (ibid., p.312, 287). Mirza Saleh likes the British social and political system, but is pessimistic about England's foreign policy. The English are arrogant and selfish. The British are also profitable. A very interesting point is his commentary on the dress of English ladies (ibid., p.340). Women's clothing in England is the best dress in the world" (ibid., p.346). Mirza Saleh was committed to Islam. Mirza Saleh, like many others, clung to Islam and regarded Islam as the best religion and considered other religions inferior to Islam (ibid., p.398). Mirza Saleh, like many other iranians, suffers from schizophrenia. On his return, when he visited the minarets of Istanbul mosques from a distance, he was in emotional agitation, but also a few months ago, when he left London, he had the same feelings. He brought the printing industry to Iran (ibid., p.375). 4. Conclusion Mirza Saleh and his travelogue are important in three ways. First, he was sent to study in England and was one of the forerunners of the new era in Iran. Mirza Saleh had a double mind: he is proud to his country and at the same time disgusted by the current situation. Mirza Saleh's comments are similar to those of other Iranian travelers in the early nineteenth century. This is the second feature of Mirza Saleh's travelogue. The third feature of his travelogue is the use of writing as a tool in the service of social change. .}, keywords = {“Reflexive Traditionalism”,“Travel book”,“Student sending abroad”,“Mirza Saleh Shirazi”}, title_fa = {میرزا صالح شیرازی و سنت‌گرایی بازتابی}, abstract_fa = {هدف مقاله بررسی امکان کاربرد مفهوم «سنت‌گرایی بازتابی» بامطالعه تجربی سفرنامه میرزا صالح شیرازی است. منظور از سنت‌گرایی بازتابی واکنش سنت در ایران در مقابل خود سنت ناشی از برخورد با مدرنیسم غربی است. روش تحقیق کتاب‌خانه‌ای و با استفاده از اسناد تاریخی انجام شد. پنج نفر ایرانی در سال 1230 ق برای تحصیل به انگلستان فرستاده شدند. این‌ها دومین گروه از دانشجویان ایرانی بودند که برای تحصیل به انگلستان اعزام می‌شدند. میرزا صالح شیرازی یکی از اعضای این گروه بود که شرح این سفر و چگونگی زندگی خود در انگلستان را به‌صورت سفرنامه‌ای باقی گذاشته است. محصلان پیش از 3 سال در انگلستان ماندند. میرزا صالح جریان این سفر را از جمادی‌الثانی 1230 (آوریل 1815) روز حرکت و تا صفر 1235 (نوامبر 1819) یعنی زمان حرکت از ارز روم به سمت تبریز شرح می‌دهد. سفرنامه میرزا صالح را در چند محور زیر از دیدگاه او بررسی می‌کنیم: 1) روسیه و روس‌ها؛ 2) وضعیت سیاسی و اجتماعی انگلستان؛ 3) مردم انگلیس؛ 4) ایرانی‌ها در سفرنامه او؛ 4) خودزندگی‌نامه. سفرنامه میرزا صالح در این مقاله با رهیافت جدید «سنت‌گرایی بازتابی» بررسی شد. بررسی سفرنامه میرزا صالح نشان داد: 1) ایرانیان در برخورد به مناسبات غربی از آغاز احساسی دوگانه داشتند: حیرت و تنفر؛ 2) آگاهی ملی و ایران‌دوستی به شکل جدید عمدتاً پیامد مواجهه بافرهنگ غربی بوده است؛ 3) ناکامی در تقلید از غرب سبب تقویت حرکت «بازگشت به خود»، انفعال، پرخاشگری و درنهایت تحول سنت به سنت بازتابی شد.}, keywords_fa = {«سنت‌گرایی بازتابی»,«سفرنامه»,«سفرنامه میرزا صالح شیرازی»,«اعزام دانشجو»}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2412.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2412_38923e8e986b7edb732117870fa3d5fd.pdf} } @article { author = {rahmati, mohsen}, title = {Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk and the expansion of Persian language in Anatolia}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {95-120}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.10961.1770}, abstract = {1. Introduction Persian language had been prevailed by various factors in Anatolia, and had been the official and administrative language of there for more than five centuries; therefore, the most important aspect of Iran's cultural relations with Anatolia is the penetration and expansion of Persian language and literature in the region. The first stage of this process began by the conquest of the Great Seljuks on the Byzantine Empire’s territory in this area (463 AH), and continued to the end of the Great Seljuk period (552 AH). This stage, in fact, was still in the genesis. During this course, there were still no other influential factors affecting the development of Persian language. The conquest of the Great Seljuks on the Byzantine Empire was in some way as a result of the Seljuk sultans being influenced by the Iranian political and cultural traditions under the Iranian bureaucrats. Therefore, the role of the bureaucratic class in this case has special significance. 2. Methodology By using descriptive-analytic method, this article seeks to study the function and role of the bureaucratic system in the development of Persian language in Anatolia only during the Great Seljuk period, while explaining the bureaucratic system of the Great Seljuk tribes and the place of the Persian language in this system. The paper will answer the question of how Persian language was expanded in Anatolia? And what role did Khwaja Nizām- al-Mulk play in this field?        3. Discussion The Seljuk dynasty belonged to the tribes of Oghuz, who lived in the northern shores of Jaxartes, which they migrated to Transoxania and Khorasan at the end of the fourth century. They dominated Khorasan by crushing the Ghaznavid army in several times before 431/1040. Then, an alliance was created between the Iranian bureaucrats and the Seljuk Turkmens as a result of the unfamiliarity of the Seljuks with the managerial customs of the civilized regions and the frustration of the Iranian officials from the Ghazni court. Hence, by establishing a firm bond between the Persian officials with the Seljuks, the Persian language was also widely spread wherever the Seljuk’s domination was widespread. Among these officials, Khwaja Nizām- al-Mulk has the most influence on the formation, strengthening and consolidation of the Seljuk bureaucratic system and on the expansion of their territory. At first, he arrived at the court of Chaghri beg, and later, he became the Vizier (Prime Minister)  of Alp Arsalan, and he founded the rule of Alp Arsalan by the suppression of sultan’s rivals, and over the course of ten years, he was the Prime Minister. After the death of Alp Arsalan, despite the existence of many claimants for the monarchy, Khwaja Nizām- al-Mulk placed Malikshah on the throne, and he himself was appointed his Vizier and took the title of Atabak. So, he was in charge of the ministry for thirty years. He was the main administrator of the Seljuq rule and guarantor of the discipline of their territory, who led the Turkmen tribes to the Christian regions of the Caucasus and Anatolia for regulating the relations between Turkmen and the Seljuq monarchy. The ultimate goal of this policy can be found in his words, which if the Turkmens won, "a province would be added to the Seljuk’s countries and, if they were killed, the government would be at ease". Nizam al-Mulk encouraged Turkmens to be present in the western frontiers. He, also, forced the displacement of some tribes in those areas. The Turkmens' migration to Anatolia and their systematic advance in Byzantium led to the severe reaction of the Byzantine Emperor, who took care of the invading Turkmens. Turkmens sought help from the Seljuqid Sultan, and the Sultan also supported them, and in 461 AH/1071, he countered Byzantine Emperor and imprisoned him in a heavy defeat in Malazgird. After taking the eastern part of the Byzantine Empire and obtaining a certain tribute, he tried to liberate Emperor and restore him. As a result of the battle, in addition to healing the relationship between Turkmens and the Seljuqid Sultan, the Seljuq territory was developed and the way was paved for the establishment of Turkmen (now almost loyal to the Sultan) in Anatolia. These lands were handed over to the Turkmen emirs by the Central Court. According to available evidence, they were subordinate to the Seljuk Sultan and regarded themselves as the vassal 'Moqta' under the Seljuk sultan. Therefore, the Central Office was able to organize and monitor the administrative situation of the region in these newly taken areas. By existing evidence, Nizam al-Malik had used Persian as the only official language of the Seljuk bureaucratic system, and it seems that it remained the official language until the end of his rule. According to Nizam al-Mulk's regulations in order to consolidate the administrative system and the rule of the Seljuks in the Anatolian region, Persian language also found place in these regions by the administrative agents, because he deployed a large number of Iranian agents and, since these agents were Persian, this language became the administrative and official language in Anatolia. This situation transformed Anatolia into one of the most important centers of support for Persian poets and poets after the Mongol invasion 4. Conclusion At the beginning of their migration to Iran, Seljuks brought a large number of Turkmen tribes to the country. Being influenced by Iranian political-administrative thought, they were led to create a centralized government similar to the Iranian model, but, reserving the previous tribal ideas, the Turkmen tribes became a decentralized force. Since the time of Alp Arsalan, the Seljuq sultans, in addition to many other factors, have been influenced by the Iranian bureaucrats, and at the head of them, Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk, to emigrate to Anatolia in order to get rid of the negative results of this decentralized trend of Turkmen. By the migration of these tribes and the full support of Seljuk sultan and Nizām- al-Mulk, before, during and after the battle of Malazgird,  they took a large part of Anatolia from the Byzantine Empire and added it to the Seljuk territory. On the other hand, the Shafi’i Khwaja Nizām- al-Mulk, as the actual founder of the Seljuk regime, placed the Persian language as the dominant and official language of this bureaucratic system, and by founding the Schools of 'Nizamia', he tried to cultivate the Shāfi’ī religious bureaucrats, who were able to develop and continue his thoughts about the bureaucratic system. Due to Sultan Alp Arsalan and Malikshah's inexperience,  Khawaja Nizām- al-Mulk, who had been the Vizier for 30 years, took responsibility for all the political, military, administrative, economic and cultural affairs. After the conquest of Anatolia, Khwaja developed the Seljuk bureaucratic-administrative system by sending official agents to administer the new occupied territory in Anatolia. Along with the expansion of the administrative system, the Persian language, also, became popular in Anatolia, because it had become the official and administrative language of the Seljuk territory due to his and other bureaucrats' efforts. This bureaucratic system was prevailed and consolidated in Anatolia, during the sixth century. Therefore, Persian became the official language of the region, which continued until several centuries later. Key words: Bureaucratic system, Persian language, The Great Seljuks, Nizām-al-Mulk, Anatolia}, keywords = {Nizam al-Mulk,Persian,Anatolia,Seljuqids}, title_fa = {خواجه نظام الملک و گسترش زبان فارسی در آناتولی}, abstract_fa = {نفوذ و گسترش زبان و ادب فارسی در آناتولی یکی از فرازهای بسیار مهم در تاریخ این زبان و سرزمین آناتولی می باشد. اگرچه این زبان به مدت بیش از چهار قرن به عنوان زبان رسمی و اداری در آن منطقه رسمیت داشت، اما مراحل نخستین نفوذ و گسترش این زبان در آناتولی، دارای اهمیت ویژه‌ای است. آغاز نفوذ و گسترش زبان فارسی در آناتولی با نخستین حملات و استقرار ایلات ترکمن سلجوقی در قرن پنجم هجری در آن منطقه مربوط است. عملکرد نظام اداری- دیوانی سلجوقی در کنار سایر عوامل، در تحقق این امر مؤثر بوده است. این مقاله در صدد است تا با روش توصیفی- تحلیلی و از طریق به پرسش کشیدن داده‌های موجود، و ارائه شواهد و قراین به نقش نظام دیوانی و در رأس آن نظام‌الملک در این قضیه وضوح بیشتری ببخشد. این مطالعه مشخص می‌کند که نظام دیوانی سلجوقی توسط دیوانسالاران و کارگزاران مجرب ایرانی تأسیس شده و تثبیت یافت. این نظام دیوانی با استفاده از زبان فارسی به عنوان زبان رسمی، از طریق هدایت ایلات ترکمن به سوی آناتولی و هم از طریق اعزام مأمورین دیوانی به آناتولی در گسترش زبان فارسی در آناتولی سهم قابل توجهی داشته است.}, keywords_fa = {نظام الملک,زبان فارسی,آناتولی,سلجوقیان}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2413.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2413_0d19fa8caa49fc65cdfbd8c0a15c1301.pdf} } @article { author = {rezaei dashtarzhaneh, mahmoud}, title = {An Analysis the Reflection of Actions in Ferdowsi's Shahnameh}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {121-148}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.10982.1773}, abstract = {1. Introduction The Reflection of actions has a special place in Islamic mysticism. Based on this component, it is believed that any good or bad act in this world has a reflection that causes the good or bad reaction, and in addition to the punishment of the practitioner in front of God, in this world also, everyone sees the result of his or her good or evil actions according to the kind of action. In this essay, by analyzing Shahnameh, the author tried to find that how Ferdowsi has demonstrated the reflection of actions in his works based on pre-Islamic sources and Islamic mysticism. Among the cases in Shahnameh, that  practitioner sees the result of his or her good or bad deeds in this world, The following can be mentioned: Justice, nemesis, reconciliation, shedding innocent blood, breaking border, dishonoring the king, killing the king, oppression and claim of divinity, killing the child, breaking the covenant, killing innocent prisoners, take the power with force, etc. 2. Methodology The research method is based on content analysis, i.e., after gathering data from relevant resources and Shahnameh, the researcher tries to determine the subject of the study by by analyzing the data. This research attempts to answer the following questions: Are the reflection of actions represented in Shahnameh? In what cases did Ferdowsi represent the reflection of actions?   3.Discussion In this essay, the researcher tries to list the manifestations of the reflection of actions in Shahnameh in order to illustrate the quality and the way of this Qur'anic and mystical concept in Shahnameh. 1-1- Justice        Given the king's place in ancient Persia, it was evident that when the king was leading the truth, the world under his realm was also luscious, and if the devilish way and path were to proceed, the entire nature of the earth was pragmatic and drought would come down to the country; as when Anoushirvan practices justice, the reflection of his good action brings lush greenery, rain, abundance, comfort and security for the world. (Ferdowsi, 2007, vol. 7, pp. 281,289) 2-1-Grudging and Reconciliation At the time of the reign of Zo-Hamasp, Iranians and Turanians participated in a war against each other, which arouse God's wrath, and brought famine and drought to the two countries. Therefore, the armies became suddenly aware thinking that famine and drought were the result of the reflection of their actions and their antipathy. Thus, as soon as they reach the path of reconciliation and abandon hostility, the rain will fall, and both lands will be luscious and green. In other words, the reflection of the good actions of the armies and their tendency towards peace and reconciliation, in the rainbow board, will blow them out of the drought, and Ferdowsi himself also wisely recalls that " God saved the world from the drought and grew lively " (Ferdowsi, 2007, vol 1, p. 327) 3-1- shedding innocent blood   As Garvi Zereh killed Siavash, who was innocent, by the command of Afrasiab, immediately the result of his evil act was presented and the darkness covered the earth and the time. (Ibid, 1386, c 2, p. 358). It is interesting that as soon as Afrasiab kills Siavash, Ferdowsi immediately reminds that God created Keykhosrow having Siavash's blood, to take revenge of his father and show him that victory is for God. (Same, 2007, 2: 420) On the other hand, Ferdowsi clearly points out that Afrasiab will see the reflection of his disgraceful actions and will be punished due to killing Siavash, as at the end, he was killed by Keykhosrow (Ferdowsi, 2007, 3, p.397) Another example of shedding innocent blood is the killing of Foroud, Kheykhosrow's brother. Some scholars of Shahnameh believed that killing Foroud was plotted by Keykhosrow himself to kill his eldest brother, the great rival of the monarchy (Rezaei Dasht Arjaneh, 1392, pp.60-39). But, anyway, whether we know Kheykhosrow or Tus as the murderer of Forood, the consequences of the murder of the innocent Foroud throws the Iranians in a hardness as they kill their  horses and eat them (Ferdowsi, 2007, p. 3: 63). Ferdowsi, also, clearly condemned Iranians' defeat as a direct result of murdering the innocent Foroud (Ferdowsi, 2007, 3: 82) 4-1- Breaking the border   When Pirooz, reign over the throne, he will seek to increase his dominion and narrow the realm of Hispanics and Turanians. But Bahram Gur had met the Minaret on the border between Iran and Turan, and vowed that the Iranians and the Hitalian would not have to cross the border. But Pirooz breaks the border, and as much as Khoshnavaz ask him to keep the promise of Bahram, and avoid the war; pirooz refuse and finally he and many Iranian people were killed. (Ferdowsi, 2007, 7: 37) 5-1- Humiliation the king When Khosrow Anoshirvan goes to the land of Rome, where he gives him and his armies no notice, immediately God's retribution comes upon Romans and half of the castle collapses, and the situation of Romans becomes so difficult that the bishop of Rome apologize to Anoshirvan (Ferdowsi, 2007, 8: 80). 6-1- Killing the King Yazdgerd takes refuge in Khorasan following the attack of Arabs. Farrokhzad sends Yazdgerd to Mahooy Soori and asks him to protect the king. Mahooy Soori accepts Farrokhzad's proposal, because he was the pastor of Yazdgerd who had been promoted him. But, after a few days, he breaks off his pact with Farrokhzad and kills Yazdgerd. Therefore, it does not go far enough that he was punished as the feedback of his treason to the king and he and all three of his sons were burned. (Ferdowsi, 2007, p. 8: 485) Another case of the killing of the king is in the tragedy of Rustam and Esfandiar. As Rustam was forced to kill Esfandiar, as Zal and Simorgh had foreseen, after this massacre, he was killed by Shaghad himself, and his family was killed by Bahman (Ferdowsi, 2007, vol. 5: 419). 7-1- Defiance and arrogance Yazddir Bahram initially leads a good way in government, but since it has gone a long way, he brings the country into chaos and even claims to be God; Therefore, a horse comes from the sea and kicks him into death (Ferdowsi, 1386, p. 6: 362). Another example is about Jamshid that he is arrogant and calls himself God, so Farrah is separated from him three times in the form of the bird of Vareghan, and is stripped of his rule, and in the end, Zahak killed him  (Ferdowsi, 2007, 1: 52). 8-1-The OppressionThought When Bahram Gore becomes a guest of female farmer and asks a woman about her kingdom, she complaints from some of the agents of Bahram and believes that this is due to the king's indiscretion. Bahram is angry and is going to oppress people. Surprisingly, only with the king’s wakefulness of thought, the milk of the cattle breaks out and the blessing of the farmer's house cleans up. In the following, when the king takes up the notion of oppression, the milk is flowing again in the beef lamb, and blessing and other abundance appear  (Same: 473). 9-1- Child killing When Goshtasp, in order to keep the throne, sends his son to war with Rustam and kills him by Rustam, Pashootan clearly blamed Goshtasp for that ,and this was the reason that he lost charisma and in this world people blamed him (Ferdowsi, 2007, vol. 5: 429). 10-1- Breaking the Promise When Rostam and Esfandiar pledged that other soldiers would not interfere in the war and only have a war of their own, Zavareh and Faramarz, the brother and son of Rustam, would interfere without Rostam being aware, and they killed Mehrnoush and Azarnosh, Esfandiar's sons. Esfandiar, who believed that this crime comes from the knowledge of Rostam, got angry and warned Rostam against the reflection of his actions: If you die, by arrow/ it's the result of killing my two sons (Ferdowsi, 2007, p. 5: 366). 12-1-Killing the innocent prisoners      When, despite the request of being safe by the elders in the Afrasiab's corps, Rustam killed them all, due to that, Iran experienced seven years of drought and hardship (Ferdowsi, 2007, p. 2: 412). 13-1- Unfair Usurpation of power When Fairouz made Hormuz abdicate his throne aggressively, the reflection of that action was soon present in Iran going through seven years of drought and famine (Ferdowsi, 2007, 7: 16). It is surprising that when Firouz chose to practice justice and exempt people from taxes because of drought, it, immediately, started raining and everywhere became green. (Ferdowsi, 2007: 7: 17)   4. Conclusion The Reflection of actions has a special place in Islamic mysticism. Based on this component, it is believed that any good or bad act in this world has a reflection that causes the good or bad reaction and in addition to the punishment of the practitioner in front of God, in this world, also, everyone sees the result of his good or evil actions according to his type of action. In this essay, the study of Shahnameh revealed that Ferdowsi with knowledge of Islamic mysticism, believed that except the adjuration in the hereafter, anyone will find the results of his actions also in this world. So he leads us to good deeds until the consequences of our evil actions cannot be ruled out us, as in the Indian religions, this law of action and reaction is referred to as karma. in Shahnameh, among the actions the results of which the practitioner sees as soon as done in this world, the following can be mentioned: Justice, nemesis, reconciliation, shedding innocent blood, breaking border, dishonor the king, killing the king, oppression and claim of divinity, killing the child, breaking the covenant, killing innocent prisoners, take the power with force.   Keywords: : Ferdowsi, Shahnameh, Reflection of actions, Karma vinity, killing the child, breaking the covenant, killing innocent prisoners, take the power with force and ....}, keywords = {Ferdowsi,Shahnameh,Reflection of Actions,Karma}, title_fa = {بررسی بازتاب ملکوت اعمال در شاهنامه‌ی فردوسی}, abstract_fa = {ملکوت اعمال یا پادافره ایزدی در عرفان اسلامی جایگاه خاصی دارد. بر اساس این مؤلفه، اعتقاد بر این است که هر کنش نیک یا بد در همین دنیا، ملکوتی دارد که تبعات خیر یا شر آن دامنگیر کنش‌گر می‌شود و علاوه بر بازخواست کنش‌گر در آن دنیا در پیشگاه خداوند، در همین دنیا نیز هر شخصی متناسب با نوع کارکردش، نتیجة خیر یا شر آن را می‌بیند؛ چنانکه در ادیان هند نیز از این قانون کنش و واکنش، به کارما یاد می‌شود. در این جستار نگارنده با واکاوی کل شاهنامه به این امر دست یافت که فردوسی حکیم نیز علاوه بر معارف حکمی پیش از اسلام، با آگاهی از آبشخور عرفان اسلامی، بر این دیدگاه است که سوای از بازخواست روز قیامت، هر شخصی در این دنیا نیز ثمرة اعمال خود را درمی‌یابد و لذا ما را به کردار نیک رهنمون می‌شود تا تبعات شر گناه، دامنگیرمان نشود. از جمله‌ مواردی که در شاهنامه، کنش‌گر به محض انجام کنش نیک یا بد، ثمرة آن را در همین دنیا می‌بیند، می‌توان به موارد زیر اشاره کرد: دادگری،کین‌ورزی، آشتی‌جویی، ریختن خون بی‌گناه، مرزشکنی، خوارداشت پادشاه، شاه‌کشی، جفاپیشگی و منی کردن، بیدادگری، ، فرزندکشی، عهدشکنی، کشتن دربندان بی‌پناه، تسخیر غاصبانة قدرت و... .}, keywords_fa = {شاهنامه فردوسی,ملکوت اعمال,پادافره,کارما}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2414.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2414_9793533eafd3b7c01f99d7296a54b7c5.pdf} } @article { author = {Saadat, Mostafa}, title = {The methods of power transferring in Iranian Folktales}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {149-175}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.12617.1864}, abstract = {. Introduction    King, prince, and queen are among the most frequently used words in Iranian folktales. Several folktales are about theses fictional characters. Real events of society have been fictionalized by the creators of the folktales. Commonalties, as the listeners and supporters of these tales for over thousands of years, wanted to hear about their pains, insufficiencies, as well as the beauties and gifts of their society and everyday life in these tales. Therefore, the dedicated and talented narrators of folktales were continuously moving with the times and synchronizing themselves. In this way, folktales are a huge and unique collection of cultural and historical facts of Iranian society.    Folklore of each society are usually the result of the experiences and events of ordinary people of that society (Tamimdari 2011, p.22). Folklore is the logical continuation of social activities, and is, therefore, not luxury and fancy, and completes the work and social activities, and is a perfect tool to improve the quality of life (Zolfaqhari 2015, p.16). Obviously, the most important function of folktales, besides their entertaining feature, is their educational role (Tamimdari 2011, pp.56-57; Zolfaqhari 2015, p.16).   The content of folktales is very realistic (Zolfaqhari 2015, p.16; Jafari-Qanavati 2007, pp.82-87) and shows adventures of ordinary people in society. On the other hand, these tales narrate the stories of people fighting against the tyrants and powerful people (Zolfaqhari 2015, p.102); therefore, they rightfully reflect people’s desire and ambition for freedom and justice (Zolfaqhari 2015, p.17). That is the reason why these folktales would shed light on the social and cultural dark sides of this country’s history. Former studies have shown very good agreement between the events which happen in folktales with those that happen in societies. The ways in which they happen are a great part of collected history of Iran. Most likely, different ways of gaining power are mentioned in Iranian folktales, However, there has not been a study about this subject in folktales.   2. Methodology In this paper, we want to study the power transition in folktales and compare them with the documented events in the history of Iran. The Iranian folktales used in this study are from the eastern, western, northern, southern and central regions of this country. Different ways of power transitions in Iranian folktales are by inheritance (from father to his son or daughter), marrying the monarch’s daughter, conquest, coup, soft coup and flying the Homa. By studying the history of Iran, one could find different examples for all these different methods, except for reaching to power by flying the Homa.   3. Discussion It is said in many folktales that a person enters a city, while people were gathered in a place. The newcomer finds out that the monarch of the land is dead, and the gathering is for choosing the new monarch. The tradition of that city to choose the new monarch was to fly a bird, and everyone would accept the monarchy of the person whom the bird will land on. Flying the Homa is the weirdest way of choosing a monarch in folktales. One cannot easily find a similar case in history. To do so, we should look at the beliefs of our forebearers. In ancient Iran, there was a belief that a person deserves to be a monarch who has charisma. Companionship of charisma with monarch, was not only the proof of legitimacy of his reign, but also guarantied his victory against enemies and his success in managing the society. In case of not having charisma, one’s efforts will not pay off; if he was not monarch, he would not become one, and if he was, the foundations of his reign would become loose and weak and would be defeated by someone who has charisma. Deep influence of Zurvani Faith on Iranian beliefs is of great importance. The most important course of this faith, which has had a great influence on function of all Iranian society, is true belief in fate and determinism (Zaehner 2005, pp.379-397). Believers in Zurvan accepted that the results of each action has been determined before and could not be changed; so one has to be satisfied and happy with one’s share in life, control one’s emotions and let destiny play its role until it's time to pass away (Ibid, p.410). In this way, accepting fate, makes one happy and guaranties stability of the society. If it is written in one’s destiny that he is supposed to be the monarch, this means that he has charisma, and without doubt, he will become the monarch. Accepting the fact that you cannot fight against fate is very important and deserves attention. As sitting on a throne is fate and destiny of the person who has became the monarch, the whole society should accept his reign and should not try to dethrone him, as there is no way to change the destiny. In general, bird is the symbol of the celestial world (Chevalier & Gheerbrant 2009, vol. 2, p. 197). Moreover, every bird is representative of other symbols, for example, Hawk represents the Sun (Ibd, vol 2: 23) and Sun is a symbol of empire (Ibd, vol. 3, p.120); dream of an eagle or its observation, was a symbol of a mighty emperor (Ibd, vol. 4, p.296); in the Medes and Persis eras, eagle was the symbol of victory (Ibd, vol. 4, p.294-295); in the standard of the Achaemenid empire was a golden eagle with tighten wings on a spear, which showed the power of Persians in winning the wars (Ibd, vol. 4, p. 295). Homa is a mythical bird, the decrypting of which relates to the concepts of the government and luck. Homa was the manifestation of charisma (Ibd, vol. 5, pp. 588-589). Head, is the symbol of activity of the active principle, consisting of the governing and commanding forces. Moreover, Head is the most noble part of human body and is where the king puts the crown on (Ibd, vol. 3, p.526). Sky is the symbol of mavara (supernatural world), power, survival and sanctity (Ibd, vol. 1, p. 186). Therefore, considering the belief in unchangeable fate and destiny in Zurvani Faith, which certainly majority of the society believed in for many decades, justifies choosing a monarch by flying and landing the Homa, which has been repeated in folktales for many times. Flying the Homa, and its intended landing (symbol of unchangeable destiny) from sky (symbol of mavara and sanctity) on head (the most noble part of the human body, where the crown is putted and the symbol of power of reign) of a person who has just entered a fictional city, points to the fact that the commonalties must know it was destiny that made him the monarch and it was a god blessing, and as he is their monarch now, not only should they not protest against him, but they should also welcome him and pretend to be happy. These folktales have high frequency. Maybe the reason is to make people accept changes and try not to dethrone a monarch, after being chosen. Therefore, the rulers always immaterially supported these kinds of folktales. As the result of this kind of logic, the commonalties and even the elites of the society did not respect their will and in the power conflicts, not only did they not act actively, they did act very passively. It is obvious that in these kinds of tales, people are waiting for the entrance of a person, who could have defeated the last monarch. The gathering is not for choosing the new monarch but is for declaring royalty and happiness for the fortune of the newcomer.   4. Conclusion    It is told in folktales that the power transition, besides becoming the monarch by inheritance from father to his son or daughter, or even son-in-law, could be by conquest or coup. There are many similarities between events and their frequencies in folktales and real history of this country. Flying the Homa is such an example in the tales. The effect of Zurvani beliefs, e.g. the unchangeable fate and destiny, is a very important fact in power transition, which has an obvious manifestation in folktales. When people can accept the transition of power from one group to the other, and accept that as destiny, it is clear that the transition of power from father to one of his sons or from a king to one of his relatives would be accepted more easily.   Keywords: Iranian languages, Khotanese, Weighing, Units of length, Units of Width and distance}, keywords = {Bird of the Monarchy,power transfer,folktale,history}, title_fa = {شیوه‏های انتقال قدرت در اوسنه‏های عامیانه ایران}, abstract_fa = {اوسنه‏های عامیانه ایرانی دربردارنده مجموعه‏ای عظیم از واقعیت‏های فرهنگی و تاریخی جامعه ایرانی است. دقت در افسانه‏ها می‏تواند به روشن شدن زوایای تاریک تاریخ اجتماعی و فرهنگی کشور کمک شایانی کند. چگونگی به «قدرت رسیدن شاهان» و «انتقال قدرت» از شاهی به شاهی دیگر، بخش عظیمی از تاریخ مدون ایران را به خود اختصاص داده است. در این مقاله در پی بررسی شیوه‏های «انتقال قدرت» در افسانه‏ها و مقایسه رخدادهای توصیف شده در آنها‏ با وقایع تاریخی هستیم. در اوسنه‏ها روایت شده که «انتقال قدرت» علاوه بر رسیدن تاج و تخت شاهی از پدر به پسر یا دختر یا داماد؛ می‏تواند نتیجه جنگ و کودتا نیز باشد. مشابهت‏های بسیاری بین افسانه‏ها و تاریخ از نظر نوع و فراوانی رخدادها وجود دارد. پرواز دادن «مرغ سلطنت» و نشستن آن بر سر فردی که باید «به شاهی بر او آفرین» خواند، از جمله روش‏های رسیدن به شاهی در داستان‏ها است. تاثیر باورهای «زروانی» اعتقاد به «قسمت» و «تقدیر غیرقابل تغییر» در انتقال قدرت، نمودی شایان توجه در اوسنه‏ها دارد. هنگامی که مردمی انتقال قدرت را از گروهی به گروهی دیگر نتیجه «قسمت» بدانند، بدیهی است که انتقال تاج و تخت شاهی از پدری تاجدار به یکی از پسرانش و یا از شاهی به یکی از خویشاوندان نزدیکش را بسیار ساده‏تر خواهند پذیرفت.}, keywords_fa = {انتقال قدرت,مرغ سعادت,تاریخ,افسانه عامیانه}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2415.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2415_97ce719733a962b04c1fadd43746835e.pdf} } @article { author = {Saghaee, Sara and Moghbeli Qaraie, Farideh}, title = {Analysis of structural and decorative features and the function of Qaleh Shahid in Narmashir, Kerman}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {177-202}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.11256.1796}, abstract = {. Introduction The city of Narmashir is located on the path of communication that, during the Islamic era, would link the center and west of Iran's plateau to the southeast, the shores of the Oman Sea and Hormuz. This city is known to be one of the major cities of Kerman in the third (Yaqubi, 2002, p.150) and fourth (Hadud al-'alam, 2004, p.143; Maqdisi, 2006, p.681) Hijri century. From the end of the Timurid to the Qajar period, there is not much noted in regards to this region in the geographical history books. Until the Qajar period, where Narmashir was re-named as the district of Kerman (Shirvani, 2010, p.603) and the district of Bam (Etemad al-Saltanah, 1988, p.472). In the current city of Narmashir, in addition to the Islamic buildings and sites, such as towers, caravanserai and a hill called 'carton', there were also reinforced using military-defensive and master-residential buildings. Qaleh Shahid (Shahid Castle) is an example of such buildings in Narmashir, which was most likely built in the late Islamic era. 2. Methodology With attention to the significance of Narmashir throughout the era of Islam and its vast affects, a historic and archaeological study of this area is necessary. In this essay, we study archaeology of the Shahid castle, which is one of the most known and ancient castles in the area. The main questions raised in this research are: What are the architectural and decorative features of Shahid castle and what are the factors influenced by it? What was the function of this building? The purpose of this essay is to investigate the type of work, as well as an analysis of the architectural and decorative features of the castle and its materials. Data collection method is field-documentary and the research method is descriptive-analytic. This data analysis is based on deductive reasoning. 3. Discussion  Shahid castle is located today in a village of the same name in Azizabad in the central part of Narmashir city. Two-storey castle building has several rooms and two towers with similar decorations on both sides of the eastern and western entrance doors. The current area of ​​the building is estimated at about 200 square meters per floor. The castle was built without a platform and directly on the ground. It is possible that the castle and its towers were built in the late Zand period, and some of which have been added in the last 180 years (Shoshizadeh et al., 2005, p.2). The castle has a regular rectangular pattern (fig. 3). The main axis of the building has been the access point of the spaces through the central corridor. The most important space is a room on the first floor and on the top of the entrance. This room has three openings to the outside. Access to the ceiling and towers has been made from this room. The presence of a large open space outside the castle indicates the presence of the master and the possibility of communicating between him and the others. Divisions and social relations, the system of activities and economic conditions of the society surrounding the castle with regard to the presence of the privately-owned castle can also be seen. Shahid castle towers with a height of approximately 12 meters and the same decorations are located on both sides on the inside and the outside (fig. 6). The close proximity of the towers to each other, as well as increasing the defense of the castle's inhabitants, also adds to the beauty and decorative aspect of the building. The shape of the towers is cylindrical and their plan is circular. In addition to the two towers, there were four other towers. Two of which were at of the northeastern and the other two at the northwestern side of the castle; most of them were destroyed. The castle's towers seemed to have multipurpose functions. They were used to control the entrance and exit, in and out of the castle, in order to maintain control of the fortress, it was also used to protect the castle and to fight against the enemy. The fence and the presence of observation towers and congresses are considered as the main components of the castle's defense architecture. Thus, in constructing the castle with the master and the residents in mind, these necessary measures were needed to stop or at least slow down the speed of the invaders outside the castle and the fence inside it. Due to the current location of the castle in the village, as well as its frequent and continuous use, and the gradual abandonment of it in recent decades, no culture data, such as clay pieces, was found in any parts nor the surroundings of the fort. The main materials used are mudbrick and thatch, on some parts there was plastered surfaces. There are also bricks in some parts of the building. There is also signs of wood had been used within the framework of the remaining entrance (fig. 5). Narmashir is located in the warm and dry climate of Iran. In these areas, the hot seasons are long and the winters are short, with a temperature difference of up to two times at night and day. Therefore, the construction of walls using brick to keep the inside warm during the cold season, this is an example of the use of some of the best materials in the region. On the other hand, the use of clay and laminate as an affordable and popular material, made it both convenient and inexpensive, and it was easy to recycle. Observing the principle of introversion and the making room for interior spaces along keeping defensive issues in mind, and to avoid direct sunlight as well as hot and dry winds, openings in the walls have been kept to a minimum. In contrast, in order to provide light, the location of the entrance ports and ceiling lights is chosen to provide the necessary light space. The structure of the mudbrick was not suitable for joining tile or stone decoration. Clay can also be considered as materials that have been used in decorations, in addition to the structure of the Narmashir monuments. Hence, the special layout of the bricks in front and rear is used to add a kind of decorative element in the castle. For example, in niches or some windows, the layout of the upper part is such that architects create a multi-edged and decorative form with the front and back of the bricks, and draw a mortar on it. This type of decorative element has been seen in other Islamic cultures in Narmashir plain (Jamali and Rafi Abad) and in the upper part of the windows of the Rayen citadel of Kerman. The castle towers are covered with sun-dried brick, exterior and interior. For instance, the bricks on the exterior of the tower are lined with crossover, square shapes, diagonal lines, rows of other geometric patterns, and the outer decorations of the towers. This type of form and decoration has been used as architectural and decorative patterns that have been common in other towers and minarets in Narmashir and other parts of Iran since the Seljuk period. 4. Conclusion Shahid castle was built and used as a governmental, private and residential property, and which took military action during insecurity. The castles and towers date back to the late Islamic centuries. In regards to the architectural features, the type of decoration, type of plan and kind of materials used, the most important are: - Construction on a regular and rectangular surface; - The presence of the roof of the arched roof, the windows and the wall heater in the spaces and rooms of the building; - The presence of a fence and a solid wall in accordance with cultural and security conditions; - Establishing a dominant atmosphere; suiting the economic situation, livelihoods and social status, divisions and communications; and a system of social activism; - The construction of two observation towers with a circular plan and a cylindrical shape to suit the nature, the environmental conditions and able to withstand severe storms, as well as to better defense, over watch and gain control the inside and surroundings of the building; - The use of structural elements of mud brick, thatch and wood for the doors, and possibly windows, in accordance with the climatic characteristics of hot and dry areas. In general, we can say that the reasons for using clay in this area are: The use of local materials in accordance with the principle of "self-sufficiency"; Lower costs of construction, repair and maintenance; ease of work; Simplicity and avoidance of futility; Adaptation to the environment and needs; High resistance of mud brick and clay produced in Narmashir due to the presence of sand and gravel in them; Resistance to extreme changes in temperature between the night and day; Resistance to mild earthquakes; Good for thermal insulation.   .}, keywords = {Key words: Narmashir,Shahid castle,Observatory tower,Islamic architecture}, title_fa = {بررسی و تحلیل ویژگی‌های ساختاری و تزئینی و کارکرد قلعه شهید شهرستان نرماشیر}, abstract_fa = {شهرستان نرماشیر در مسیر راه‌های ارتباطی واقع است که مرکز و غرب ایران را به جنوب‌شرق، سواحل دریای عمان و هرمز پیوند می‌داد. در این شهرستان، علاوه بر محوطه‌ها و آثار دوران اسلامی مانند برجها، کاروانسرا و یک تپه، قلاع با کارکرد نظامی- دفاعی و اربابی- مسکونی ساخته شده است. قلعه شهید یکی از این قلاع نرماشیر است. پرسش اینست که ویژگی‌های معماری و تزئینی قلعه شهید چیست و تحت تأثیر چه عواملی قرار گرفته است؟ همچنین کارکرد بنا چه بوده است؟ روش گردآوری داده‌ها «میدانی و کتابخانه‌ای» و روش پژوهش «توصیفی‌ـ تحلیلی» است. قلعه کارکرد اربابی- مسکونی داشته و در مواقع ناامنی کارکرد دفاعی- نظامی نیز می‌یافته است. این بنا با مصالح بوم‌آورد خشت و بطور مستقیم روی سطح زمین ساخته شده است. اتاقهای قلعه سقف تاقدار، طاقچه و بخاری دیواری دارند. ایجاد پنجره با کادرهای چندگانه در قسمت فوقانی، سنت تزئینی رایج در فضاهای معماری قلاع نرماشیر بشمار می‌آید. برجهای قلعه با پلان مدور و فرم استوانه‌ای ایجاد شده و در سطح بیرونی آنها تزئینات هندسی دیده می‌شود. این نوع فرم و تزئینات به‌عنوان الگوهای معماری و تزئینی بوده که در سایر برجها و مناره‌ها در نرماشیر و دیگر نقاط ایران از دورة سلجوقی رایج بوده است.}, keywords_fa = {نرماشیر,قلعه شهید,برج دیدبانی,معماری اسلامی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2416.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2416_81e5bf767b09345b0791178c2d842479.pdf} } @article { author = {سلامت باویل, لطیفه}, title = {Political function in the story of Siavash and Relations between Iranian and Turan In Shahnameh}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {203-222}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.10895.1767}, abstract = {  Introduction Shahnameh as a rich source of Iranian common heritage is considered as the most political epic In Iran which depicts the continuity of Iranian identity from myths and epics to the last Sassanid rulers. In this work and many ancient historical and literary texts, Turanians and the Turks are mistakenly considered the same. This was arising from the mistake of ancestors. Ferdowsi didn't want to condemn a particular race when he expressed the war and hostility of Iranians and Turanians in Shahnameh, but, even, the courage  and other good attributes of Turan elders have been praised. This work contains human values and virtues, conveying many different messages for policy, history, humanities and social science researchers. In this research, at first, ferdowsi`s political thoughts and the borders between Iran and Turan have been introduced, and then, the political function of Siavash story has been briefly analyzed.   2. Methodology This study is based on the descriptive – analytical method by using library research. It takes a look at the life of Siavash as a refugee in foreign country and specifies the Iranian public and political culture. This research attempts to answer this question: Is it possible to understand the political culture of each nation through the study of Myths and epics? Ferdowsi has noticed the social and political structures of society and the central role of kings in the political thoughts of ancient Iranians. A review of Shahnameh with new comments of political science illustrates Ferdowsi`s analysis of the political issues of his time.   3. Discussion Among the ancient literary texts, Shahnameh is Iranian peoples certificate, and as a document, that is basic axis of the current Iranian identity and has provided a coherent picture of politics. It shows the long-standing Iranian culture and the brilliant civilization of this land and states history of ancient Iran from the beginning of Iranian civilization until the overthrow of Sassanid rule by Arabs. Iranian myths are the elements that related to Iranian history, an element that has been underestimated, while it is one of the important elements of Iranian identity. Shahnameh is the book of myths. Myths are known as a kind of philosophical interpretation of the world or explanation of the past by virtual and legendary hypotheses that succeeded scientific analysis and the unconscious connects the group to their conscious. "Important functions of myths are their nature such a way that many newly established governments benefit from it to give their nation identity and dignity. Thus the most non-political   things like   myths, are the most political phenomena" ( naghibzadeh,2002, p.83). With this explanation, understanding the political culture is possible only through the identification of components like any other phenomenon, and myth is the most important components of any culture. Shahnameh as a myth has a political role and function. This article is a search in the world of myth and epic and an attempt to understand politics in ancient Iran. Politics in its board sense in Shahnameh, finds its most comprehensive concept in expression of contemporary philosopher – Isaiah Berlin-  that:" Everything that is involved in the situation is political and this thought that politics is power it is a false idea" (Berlin,1992, p.67). In the present study tries to understand the political environment   of   Ferdowsi`s era. His viewpoint will be reviewed as a spokesman for Iranian culture towards non-Iranians. Although moving from literary text to foreign policy is difficult, but understanding the Iranian perspective from themselves and alien will help recognize Iran`s foreign policy.   4. Conclusion  Clearly, culture has always had a positive role in international relations. Shahnameh as an ancient and enduring work, has a unique position in Iranian culture. In this work, the Iranian insights and beliefs about politics and political thoughts in a definite time have been  represented. One of the most important reasons for the importance of the political dimension of Shahnameh is its addressing of foreign relations. Shahnameh is full of political orientations and  approaches  and political and social strategies, which have been investigated as one of the old texts from different points of view, like anthropological, sociological, historical, geographical, artistic, political, etc. It can be accepted that it is composed to preserve the Iranian identity and to establish social security, political stability, and a just government. The study of Shahnameh, as one of the main sources, is essential for understanding the state of political thought in ancient Iran. Ferdowsi has explained the principles and rules of politics and government in the form of a story. Ferdowsi's political thought in the story of Siavash as a political myth is not confined to power and has a broader concept. Siavash's role and function is in politics and international relation. He is not thinking about power and is the first person to take refuge in the enemy and Turan welcomes him for political exploitation and tries to eliminate him by using political tricks. But, if his story as a political myth has found logical continuity throughout human history, that's why it is linked to the anthropological view points. by viewing the thoughts in Shahname and high lighting its details and elegance in the light of modern and contemporary ideas we can understand the foundations of the  Iranain political insights. Keywords: Shahnameh, Iran, Turan, Siavash, Political relations.  }, keywords = {Shahnameh,Turan,Iran,People of Turan,Political relations}, title_fa = {کارکرد سیاسی داستان سیاوش وروابط بین ایرانیان وتورانیان در شاهنامه}, abstract_fa = {شاهنامه از برجسـته‌ترین آثار زبـان فـارسـی اسـت که با بیانی حماسی و تاثیرگذار بسیاری از روابط سیاسی حکومت‌های ایرانی را با دیگر کشورها و ملت‌ها به ویژه در دوران ساسانی برای ما آشکار می‌سازد. در شاهنامه پایه‌های بینش سیاسی ایرانیان و چگونگی شکل‌گیری حکومت از منظر سنتی بیان شده است. فردوسی به ساختارهای سیاسی و اجتماعی جامعه توجه داشته و نقش محوری پادشاهان را در اندیشه‌های سیاسی ایرانیان باستان عرضه کرده است. بازخوانی این حماسـه مـلی با به‌کار بـستن دیـدگاه‌های نوین علوم سیاسی نشان می‌دهد که فردوسی مسائل سیاسی حاکــم بردوران خود را تبییــن و تحلیل نموده است. دراین نوشــتار به روش توصیفی- تحلیلی، روابط ایرانیان و تورانیان در شاهنامه با تکیه بر داستان سیاوش و پناه بردن او به توران مورد بررسی قرار گرفته و دیدگاه فردوسی درخصوص روابط خارجی تحـلیل شده است. با نگاهی به داستان سیاوش که نمونه بارز زنـدگی در خـاک بیگانه است، بخشی از فرهنگ عمومی و فرهنگ سیاسی ایرانیان مشخص می‌شود. معنای سیاست را در داستان سیاوش می‌توان مطابق نظر یکی از فیلسوفان معاصر دانست که « هر امری که دخــلی به اوضاع داشتــه باشد سیاسی است». بی تردید نظرفردوسی نیز درباره سیاست و روابط و مناسبات سیاسی برخاسته از شرایط محیط اجتماعی زمانه اش و اوضاع حاکم بر ایران بوده است.}, keywords_fa = {شاهنامه,توران,ایران,تورانیان,روابطسیاسی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2417.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2417_b6344bf92c2c29183eeff902a216a764.pdf} } @article { author = {ghane, masoumeh and Salajeghe, Parvin}, title = {Studying of role of vagrant women and hero women in Abomoslemnameh}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {223-245}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.11503.1806}, abstract = {. Introduction One of the most important criteria for evaluating a society is to focus on women and their active presence in the social fields, and the necessity of recognizing this matter in any period is an undeniable fact, because women make up half of the society and are also the generator of the other half, who have taken steps alongside men in different periods of life and have always had special responsibility in the world such as: nurturing, maturating, evolution of the human's body and soul, etc. So, with these in mind, they should have a special status and dignity. But, according to historical texts, this important fact has not been truly realized and there have not been enough works to restore and establish the true position of women and they are almost always marginalized due to different social, cultural, economic, or other reasons.   Also, the unwise behaviors of the men have left them out of social activities little by little, and the role of women in society has gradually become less important, and it is portrayed in a position determined for her in patriarchal culture and logic. Of course, these deprivations and obsessions are more tangible when looking  back at their past. Also, in Persian literature, women’s true face in this region is not shown in the way it deserves, and women’s role is often accompanied with the stereotypical images and behaviors, such as beloved, female slave, sorcerer, artful, cheater, unfaithful , devil , foolish, immature, instigator, frivolous, etc., and standing against woman has been present all over Persian literature, but in Persian vulgar stories, women as common people have been brightly reflected, and the presence and the action of these women is completely different from what is defined for them. With their freedom and independence for doing their roles, these women are considered separate from men, who not only don’t depend on men, but whose social  responsibilities and valuable roles in their activities bring them self worth and moral values. In Abumuslimnameh vulgar story, which is the case of this study, women are mostly introduced with praiseworthy attributes, such as chaste, heroine and fighter, vigorous and brave, clever and wise, caring, informant and ambassador, etc. who have rebelled against the social traditions and conventions of their time with their live and dynamic roles, and have not withstood the strong traditions of patriarchy, although the dominant atmosphere in this story is more indicative of patriarchal system, where pessimism of men about women is evident. On the other hand, in this vulgar story, we also encounter a group of women who have a lower status with their wicked and negative faces, and have degrading attributes, such as deceitful, liar filthy, enchanter, traitor, etc., that sometimes their disgraceful acts and evil goals change the path in the story . 2. Methodology The present study has been conducted using library research and descriptive-analytical method. It is an attempt to prove women’s identity in Abumuslimnameh story, which has been depicted  in chivalry and fighting. Also, this paper tries to answer these questions with attention to vulgar literature. 1.what position did the vagrant women and heroines have in Abumuslimnameh? 2. To what extent these women’s attributes (chivalry and heroic nature) have affected the furtherance of events and adventures of the story ? 3. Are the positions of these women affected by the role and position of woman in our past society? 3. Discussion Abumuslimnameh is a long vulgar story narrated by Abutaher Tartousi or Tarsousi (one is known in present Syria and another in present Turkey). He is among the narrators of the 6th century A.H. whose name is at the top of the list of narrators. But, there is no accurate information about his life. This skilful narrator narrated the story of Abumuslim khorasani’s being born, maturing, rebelling, fighting and the championships and wars he, the great commander of khorasan, and his followers had against the Omavi caliphs and eventually his foully death. But, the narrators of the story didn’t want to narrate the event as they truly happened and were written in historical books, but they tried to tell the story in such a way that sounded pleasant for the public, so this vulgar story has been transferred in the form of a legend to the next generations. Since this work is one of the stories that have survived among the great epics or their recreations, in addition to the fighting men and famous heroes, the presence of various groups of women has added a special color to the story. Although in classical literature, if a woman's name is mentioned, it is transient and is her subordinate and inherent role, in Abumuslimnameh, women of different classes of society, who are introduced in the story based on their special functions, are effective in the furtherance of events. Of course, the presence of these women is different in each event, depending on the type of actions and reactions and various characters, and their roles don’t have similar frequency . One of the main themes of this vulgar story is to proceed the chivalries, championships of women who represent their presence differently from their defined position; therefore, the role of vagrant women and heroines is unique and incomparable in this work and we can look for their traces in most of  the events of the story. In the present article all of the characteristics of the vagrant women and heroines and warriors have been discussed with example and we briefly discuss them here. a)Vagrant women in Abumuslimnameh Although the vagrant women in this story are from the lower classes of society and have lower trades, as they may be minstrels, prison guards, ambergris sellers, etc., but their effect on the development of the story is undeniable. The most famous vagrant woman in this story is Bibiseti Takelbaz, who has a truly admirable personality. Foresight, remedy seeking and sharpness are obvious in all of her actions, as resorting to cleverness and wisdom and finding a solution were the inevitable for the vagrants, that seek for achieving an admirable goal. Also, she is one of the true lovers of Ale yasin (AS) and always seeks to guide and lead Abumuslim and his followers, and to relieve them of their problems. She frequently saves Abumuslim’s followers from prison using trick and cleverness . Bibiseti with her husband practice vagrancy at night and she plays a role alongside vagrant men  everywhere. She is the only vagrant woman who even after Abumuslim’s untimely death, helps his followers, and much of the story with its climax and resolution is formed with her vagrancies . Also, sometimes, vagrant women of this story do these works to achieve their goals: They disguise themselves as fortune tellers, merchants, villagers, etc. To reach their goal, they get help from anesthetics instead of physical power They always have  weapons like lasso, knife, dagger, etc. when going out at night. They are good at throwing lasso and undermining. They are secret informers and ambassadors, and modesty and chastity are the most important and prominent characteristics of the vagrant women. They respect moral, humane and social principles and all of these courageous women’s actions are fructified during the story.   b. Heroines and fighters in Abumuslimnameh    Surely, we can find the most evident examples of heroines in brave women like Gordafrid (kazhdom’s daughter), Gordiyeh (Bahram Chobin’s sister), Lady Goshasb (Rostam’s daughter), etc., whose fights and championships have been visible in some Persian vulgar stories. The main part of Abumuslimnameh is related to Abumuslim khorasani  and his devotee followers' wars and battles with Ahl al-Beyt’s (AS) enemies. These important missions is done by both men and  heroines and fighter women, who wear war clothes and act as if their whole lives were spent in war. Rashideh is one of the fighter women in this story, who has the important role in creating the epic atmosphere of the story. She is very strong and her physical power is evident all over the story. Also, she is a fighter who resists against fighter men's abilities and their domination, and she doesn't absolutely obey men's orders. Her puissance, strength and self reliance are so high that she is not held in contempt by her enemies. Generally, we can enumerate heroines and fighters’ prominent characteristics in this story. 1.Fighter women start the war. They are skilful in using a sword, archery, etc. 2.They wrestle with famous heroes, while observing the principles and techniques of wrestling. 3.They are very quick in horse riding. 4.They cut demons, lions, etc. in half with their swords. 5.They get disguised. 6.They boast in the battlefield. 7.They are very chivalrous. 8. In addition to fighting, they are vagrant too. 9.They fall in love in the war. 10.Beauty and chastity are their greatest characteristics. 11.Most of the fighter women in this story stay at home after marriage and rarely remain in battlefield.   3.Conclusion The conclusion of this story is that although our classical literature haven’t shown the women’s true features very well, almost vulgar stories have shown it. Abumuslimnameh is the sample of these stories abundant with people’s bleifs. Althong the atmosphere of that time was based on patriarchy, but the active women have the great portion to form the events  and these women are often among the common classes and tradesmen who have more attendance in society than well-off women. They have important roles such as vagrant , heroic , fighter, etc. women.  Of course chastity is one of the most distinctive feature of these women and it is more important that the women’s independent character causes men and women have similar responsibilities in the society. Key words: Well-off women, Heroines, Abumuslimnameh,Vulgar story.}, keywords = {Fineness women,hero women,abomoslemnameh,vulgar story}, title_fa = {بررسی نقش زنان عیّار پیشه و پهلوان بانو در ابومسلم‌نامه}, abstract_fa = {چکیده در داستان‌های عامیانة فارسی، زنان پیوسته نقش و حضوری پررنگ دارند و این نقش‌ها به صورت‌های گوناگون در متن این آثار بازتاب یافته‌اند. در این داستان‌ها زنان با آزادی و استقلال عملی که در انجام نقش‌های خود دارند عنصری مجزّا و جدا از مردان به شمار می‌آیند که به آن‌ها وابسته نیستند. ابومسلم نامه داستان عامیانة آمیخته از واقعیت‌های تاریخی با عناصر حماسی و فراواقعی است که در آن تأثیر آیین عیّاری و پهلوانی آشکار است و تلاش و کوشش زنان عیّار و پهلوان بانو نیز همراه با ابومسلم و دیگر یارانش برای نوعی استقلال طلبی و مبارزه با خلفای اموی به خوبی نمایانده شده است و این قشر از زنان در این اثر چهرة ثابت و محوری دارند. پژوهش حاضر با مطالعة کتابخانه‌ای و به روش توصیفی – تحلیلی، تلاشی برای اثبات هویّت زنان در این داستان است که در عیّاری و پیکارگری نمود یافته است و نتیجه آنکه با وجودی که زنان در داستان ابومسلم‌نامه از بند محدودیّت ها و تعارض‌ها رها نیستند؛ با این وجود تسلیم نقش خود نمی‌شوند و با آزادی، استقلال عمل و پویایی به زندگی خود و دیگران معنا می‌بخشند.}, keywords_fa = {واژه‌های کلیدی : زنان عیّار,پهلوان بانو,ابومسلم نامه,داستان عامیانه}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2420.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2420_9eca05e04a7fd2b1a76941c332a0d6a7.pdf} } @article { author = {gerami, sara and Varedi, Zarrintaj}, title = {A Survey on the Contents of Khosro Nama}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {247-272}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.11797.1819}, abstract = {. Introduction    Khosro Nama is one of the outstanding lyrical works in Persian literature. This poem portrays the romance of Gol o Hormuz and the related events. This literary work is composed in the form of “Masnavi” (couplet poem) and it is created in prosodic rhythm “mafā`ilunmafā`ilunfā`ilun”(coded: U---U---U--)with nearly “8000” lines versed in eloquent, pellucid and explicit language. Considering the published copiesof the work, two copies are reviewed: 1- The copy revised by Ahmad SoheiliKhansari which contains an introduction on Attar and his works. In the introduction, Khansariascribed the work to Attar by several reasons. Besides, he wroteabout Ibn Al-rabib (Mamdooh, the poet) and a summary of the story. 2- The copy by FarshidEghbal with a brief preface. In the preface of the book, he wrote about Attar Neyshaburiand a summary of the story.     2. Methodology The research methodology is descriptive-analytical and it wasdone in three steps. In the first step, the researcher precisely studiedKhosro Nama poem and identified the required data of the research among the verses of the couplet-poem.  In the second step, with respect to the data collected in the first step, the researcher reviewed and analyzed the content of the verses. In this step, the researcher classified and analyzed the verses based on the content. In the third step, the researcher studied the sources attributingthe work to or not to Attar and proved or denied attributing the book to Attar based on the quoted reasons and evidence.In this step, the researcher merely gathered their views and ultimatelycited his view according to their statements.   3 Discussion Before we discuss the content of the book, it is necessary to introduce the poet due to the different opinions about him. Since time ago, a work has been attributed to a poet and after a while, the researchers confirmed or denied its attribution with reasons and evidence. Khosro Nama is one of the works which there is uncertainty in attributing to Attar. Some masters such as Foroozanfar, SoheiliKhansari, Ritter, Nafisi, RezagholikhanHedayat and Saffa confirm the attribution of the book to Attar Neyshabooriwith certain and other masters such as Shafieekadkani, Zarrinkoob, Nahvi, Ezzatiparvar and Pournamdarian denied the attribution of the book by presenting reasons and evidence. Shafieekadkani’s reasonsabout the book includes the two internal reasons (contradiction, stylistics, history of Sufism) and external reasons (typology) each of which particularly points that Khosro Nama is not attributed to Attar and the book belongs to the ninth century. (N.K: Attar, 35: 2000). Meanwhile, Nahvi discussed in a paper about AbolfazlSa’ddinIbnAl-Rabib, the eulogicpoet and provided evidence that Khosro Nama was written by Abu Abdollah Muhammad Mianji in the sixth century. (Nahvi, 80-89: 2000) With respect to the providedreasons and evidence, it is concluded that this work is not attributed to AttarNeyshaboori.Notably, with respect toNahvi’spaperbased on eulogy by Ibn Al-Rabib and some of the verses of Khosro Nama in Shiraz Nama by Zarkoob, Nahvi’s statement about the attribution of Khosro Nama to Abu AbdollahMianji (Miane’i) is true.Additionally, based on the stylistic, theosophical and typological reasons by Shafieekadkaniattempting to prove that Khosro Nama was written in the ninth century, in author’s point of view, it can be said thatKhosro Nama was composed by Mianji and later, an unknown person completed and expanded the book in the ninth century. Of course, it may be asked that if the couplet poemwas not attributed to Attar, why had all attar’s works been listed in the preface of the book? This might be the answer thatAttar was at the height of his fame at that time and peoplepaid special attention to him and this way, the poet wanted people to remember and read his work over time. In reviewing and analyzing the content of Khosro Nama, the poet first commended and praised the Lord and then glorified the Prophet, and complimented the Rashid Caliphs (Abu Bakr, Omar, Uthman, and Imam Ali), admired the Imams (Imam Hasan (pbuh) Imam Hussein (pbuh), Imam Bohanifa, Imam Shafi'i) as well as KhajehSaadoddinAbolfazl. After discussing the situation surrounding thebook, he writes the romantic poems full of new incidents and events. Of course, it is noteworthy that in the introduction of the book, the poet refers to the issues such as unity, and occasionallythroughout the story,he comments onthe absence, presence, ascetic, and seclusion of worldly attachments, etc.  In other words, the poet willingly attempted to incorporate mystical terms and concepts in the book.However, it should be said that Khosro Nama is a romantic couplet poem with some mystical arrays. In general, the content of Khosro Nama is divided into three categories: A.        Tenets of faith: This section includes topics such as God, poet’s religion, fatalism and death. In the divine sect,in addition to the topic of the Creation (the creation of the worldin six days) and the human inability to knowGod and the truth of the Existence, the poet deals with mystical topics such as the unity of existence, monotheism, annihilation in God, and the existence in God, presence and absence. Regarding the religion of the poet, it can be said that he is Shāfī'i because he praises Shāfīī and Abu Hanifa and in regard to verbal point of view, and belief in determinism and fatalism, he followed the religion of the Ash'arites. Also, the poet's belief in fatalism and death has a special placein the context of the work; inasmuch as the poet explicitly or vaguely induces the divine fate overwhelming human free willin the text and accordingly, he calls for human’s surrendering and satisfyingwithhis fate and divine predestination, and with attention to the fact that he emphasizes on the death and the life of the soul after death, he encourages the man to do good for final Judgement. B.        Ethical percepts: Ethical perceptsinvolve topics such as the denunciation of the world, the law of action and reaction, trickery, greed, lies and envy. In condemning the world, the poet encourages humans to abandon the world and its belongings whileproviding reasons and evidence such as the treacheries and fickleness of the world, and its futility. It is noteworthy thatin the discussion ofthe ethical percepts, the denunciation of the world has the highest frequency. In addition to condemning the world, the poet prevents human from lying, deceiving, envying and coveting for the reason of its bad consequences, and throughout the story, based on the fact that every action has a reaction and human gets caught in the consequences of his evil deeds, he calls mankind to avoid evil and encourage them to do good deeds. C.        Love:In terms of content, love and its related events in Khosro Nama poem are in center and axis,and other themes such as ethical percepts and tenets of faith serve love and its related events. In this section, the poet addresses topics such as love, lover and his state of mind, the contradiction between love and wisdom. The poet, in the discussion of love, puts a special emphasis on its burning and unbreakable status, the combination of love,impatience and insanity. The lover and his temperament are also repeated in the poem;inasmuch as love transforms the lover’s feelings; the lover is crushing in grief, anguish and distress when being apart, and he is in the joy of happiness when joining. In addition, the poet praises the wisdom with different featuressuch as being a leader and guide;nevertheless, the leadership and guidance of wisdom lasts until love has not overcome the man. To put another way, after love overwhelms the man, the wisdom growsunable and impotent, and wisdom and lovedo not unitebut contradictone another.   4. Conclusion About the author of Khosro Nama, it is noteworthy that in his paper "Who is the book of Khosro Nama (Gol and Hurmoz) by?",Akbar Nahvi attributes the work to Abu Abdullah Mianji (Miane’i) in the sixth century.Butbased on the stylistic featuresand the mentioned stylistic reasons and evidence,MohammadrezaShafieekadkaniconcludes that the bookbelongs to the ninth century. In the author’s view, with respect to the reasons and evidence brought forth in the research, the Khosro Nama poem does not attribute to Attar, and it originally belongs to Abu Abdullah Mianji, and it seems thatwith respect to the stylistic features in the ninth century and the stylistic features of the work), an anonymous person expanded it in the 9th century. This work is a romantic poem in contentwhere the mystical terms and concepts have also been used. In the introduction, the mystical issues are mostlyderivedfrom the premise of the unity of existence of Ibn al-Arabi; Of course, the mystical issues are rarely found throughout the story. And the beliefs of the poet (about God, the religion of the poet, fatalism, etc.) and the ethical percepts and the element of love are read in the mentioned work. Fatalism is one of the most important beliefs that the poet tries to refer to throughout the story in various approaches (directly or indirectly) and encourage the reader to condemn and surrender to divine predestination. In the discussion of the ethical percepts, the poet attempts to prevent the readers directly or indirectly from doing bad deeds and to encourage themto do good deeds. "Condemning the world and getting rid of worldly attachments" is of the most important ethical precepts that the poet explains in various ways. It isnoteworthy that in the ethical percepts, the poet employs the "deceitfulness and trickery of individuals" in the concept of "seeking remedy and devise", and sometimes, he admires it indirectly. In Khosro Nama poem, love and the related issues are the most outstanding topic that includes the issues such as being apart and joining; in other words, it can be said that love is the intellectual axis and centerpiece of the poet that has included other topics and contents inside. In this couplet poem, the grief and sighcaused by getting apart is more than thrill of joining; Notably, sometimes, there is happiness in separation resulted from hope for the revelation. The most used topic in love is "the burning of love and love as pain," which repeats the grief of separation. Another key point in the discussion of love is "the conflict of love and wisdom", where love dominates and overwhelms the wisdom; in other words, wisdom is incapacitated before love; Also, "wisdom" in Khosro Nama poem is incapacitated by "love" and " knowing the essence of the Almighty” and it is condemned. However, in some cases such as being a guide and the power of recognizing good from evil, the contradiction between wisdom and lust... has been praised.   Keywords: Attar, Khosro Nama, Content, Love, Sufism.}, keywords = {Keywords: Attar,Khosro Nama,content,love، gnosis}, title_fa = {مروری برمضامین خسرونامه}, abstract_fa = {یکی از برجسته‌ترین آثار غنایی در ادب فارسی، منظومة خسرونامه است. این منظومه، داستان عشق گل و هرمز و رویدادهای مربوط به آن را به تصویر می‌کشد. درباره‌ی انتساب این اثر به عطار نظرهای متفاوتی وجود دارد، همچنین تاکنون پژوهشی درباره‌ی محتوای این اثر صورت نگرفته است؛ بنابراین در این پژوهش ابتدا به صورت مختصر، با در نظرگرفتن ادله‌ی اساتید درباره‌ی سراینده‌ی اثر به اثبات یا رد انتساب آن به عطار پرداخته‌ شده و سپس کتاب مذکور از منظر محتوایی در حوزه‌ی بحث اعتقادی، مواعظ اخلاقی، عشق مورد بررسی قرار گرفته است. شیوه‌ی این پژوهش به روش اسنادی است که با مطالعه‌ی ابیات و استخراج آنان، ویژگی‌های محتوایی آن طبقه‌بندی و مورد تجزیه و تحلیل قرار داده شده است. نتایج پژوهش نشان داد که خسرونامه منظومه‌ای عاشقانه است و عشق مرکز و محور اندیشه‌ی شاعر است که گاهی اصطلاحات عرفانی نیز در آن ‌آمده است. کلیدواژه: عطار، خسرونامه، محتوا، عشق، عرفان .}, keywords_fa = {کلیدواژه: عطار,خسرونامه,محتوا,عشق,عرفان}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2418.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2418_d7856bf91cf3ed70130f9dc672868247.pdf} } @article { author = {vasheghani farahani, ebrahim and محمدی لعل آبادی, مسعود and مهری, سعید}, title = {Review of prayer and praying in Nezami Ganjavi’s poetry accrding to Leyli & Majnoon}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {273-293}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.8076.1560}, abstract = {  1.Introduction Leyli and Majnoon is the name of a narrative poem in the form of Masnavi by Nezami Ganjavi, an eminent poet of the Persian Empire in the 6th century A.H. This work is the third Masnavi in his collection of Masnavis, that is known as Nezami’s khamse. Ian Ripka, in the genealogy of this story, writes that most scholars believe that the scattered theme of this story is based on the poetry and folklore legends in the Arabic language, which they have gathered and Iranianized by Nezami. Although the names of individuals and places are still Arabic in Nezami's narration, but still Iranian culture and customs cast a shadow on this story. Some, also, consider the roots of the myths of Leyli and Majnoon as ancient Babylonian civilization (Ripka, 1998, p.104). Before Nezami Ganjavi, the name of Leyli and Majnoon appeared in Persian literature of the 4th century A.H. onwards. The oldest reference to Leyli and Majnoon in Persian poetry is in Rudaki's poems (Dehbashi, 2006, p.127). Leyli and Majnoon are also mentioned in Baba Taher Hamedani's couplets (Baba Taher, 2008, p.31). Leyli and Majnoon are often referred to in poems by other poets. The oldest but short story of Leyli and Majnoon has come from Sanai's Hadigh al-Haghigha, and that story is about the release of a gazalle by Majnoon (Sanai, 1981, p.457). But, it was Nezami who wrote the love story of Leyli and Majnoon in the form of a single and independent poem in Persian for the first time in 4700 couplets, upon Sharwan king's request. The metrics of this Masnavi was new for the storytelling, and after Nezami, many poets composed the love stories in this metrics. Regardless of the numerous translations of Nezami's version of Leyli and Majnoon in non-Persian languages, dozens of poets in Persian, Arabic, Turkish, Hindi, Urdu, Armenian, Kurdish, and other languages created similar poems, finding interest in Nezami’s Leyli and Majnoon. Compared to Khosrow and Shirin, a poem of the same poet, Leyli and Majnoon helps to understand the cultural differences between Arabs and Iranians. The story characters in Nezami's narration are arbitrary and do not accept a large change in the events of the story. It is kind of possible to say that events happen in the Samiyan world, but the characters are largely Iranian in Nezami's mental world, and both of them are not very converged. The first version of Leyli and Magnoon in Arabic was very simple. Leyli and Majnoon, who were from an Arab tribe, were grazing their livestock in their childhood on deserts, where they fell deeply in love. In another narration, Majnoon sees Leyli in his adulthood, in a women's assembly, and falls in love. The basic Arabic theme of the story may reach the pre-Islamic or even the Babylonian civilization (Ripka, 1998, p.104), and symbols of Babylonian civilization, including praise of heavenly bodies appeared in this story. With his inventive genius, Nezami developed a simple love story with brilliant additions of Iranian mentality, in verses full of spiritual points, that nowadays form a significant part of world literature, especially Persian literature.   2. Methodology Prayer has always been one of the most important subjects in Persian literature from the ancient to the Middle and New era. In Persian literature, we find this subject repeatedly in epic works such as  Hakim Ferdowsi's Shahnam and works of fiction such as Nezami’s poems and lyrical literature. This article has tried to analyze the position of prayer and praying in Iranian culture by using a descriptive and analytical method, based on Quran and traditions and books published on Nezami Ganjavi, especially in Leyli and Majnoon, to understand one of the most important and beautiful events of human life, i.e., prayer. It has been referred to in religion, mysticism, literature, and many other branches of human insight and knowledge.   3. Discussion 'Prayer' is a Persian word from the principle of the 'Naiation' with the structure of the verbal noun, in the meaning of prayer and praise (Moein, 2008,  the following 'prayers'). The Arabic equivalent of the term, 'prayer', is an infinitive that means the need to seek, plead with God, claim blessing, supplicate, ask for God's grace for  him or herself or another, and to call Him (Dehkhoda, 1998, the following 'Prayer'; Moein, 2008, the following 'prayer'). Also, 'prayer' in the term, means calling and seeking help, and in the terms of Shi'a, it means speaking with the Almighty in a way of asking Him solve the problems or mentioning His glorious attributes (Meshkini Ardebili, 1992, pp.16-17). The truth of prayer, which is the imperfect attention to the absolute for the elimination of its own imperfection and need, is a natural and inherent matter for which it is desirable to lose hope in all but God.   4. conclusion Prayer and praying have an old and fundamental place in human life. Persian literature has witnessed the presence of religious themes since the earliest ages, especially prayer and praying. In addition to prayers scattered in Persian poetical works, praise writing has been a constant tradition in the prefaces to books of Masnavi poems. Nezami Ganjavi has also helped the continuation and strengthening of this tradition. In addition to the dispersed prayers in his five Masnavies, he prepared stunning imitations at the beginning of every Masnavi, which have been a model to follow for the poets after him. One of the outstanding examples of prayer in Nezami’s works is Leyli and Majnoon poem. By reviewing this versified story, we get the following results: - Most of Nezami’s prayers are of direct prayer type, but sometimes he asks a mediator and makes indirect prayers. - Some of Nezami’s prayers are directed toward worldly matters, but they don't come from worldly attachments, but rather, Nezami asks such things from God for the liberation from dependence on the world and the masters in the world. - Other Nezami’s  prayers also have the place and time of their fulfillment in the world, but they have the otherworldly results. -Nezami also offers fervent prayers of the characters language in his story, but these chants are, in fact, the words of his own heart from the language of others. -To Nezami, sometimes, prayer has a secondary effects, for example, Majnoon’s prayer for heavenly  bodies, in fact, is to prove the existence of God and is like Prophet Ibrahim's saying that "I like not those that disappear".}, keywords = {Prayer,praying,Leyli & Majnoon,Nizami Ganjavi}, title_fa = {مروری بر دعا و نیایش در منظومه‌های نظامی گنجوی با تکیه بر «لیلی و مجنون»}, abstract_fa = {پیوند انسان با خداوند از طریق دعا و مناجات و رازگویی‌های انسان با خداوند، از مهم‌ترین و زیباترین حادثه‌های زندگانی بشر است که در دین، عرفان، ادبیات و بسیاری از دیگر شاخه‌های دانش و معرفت بشری از آن سخن رفته‌است. اهمیت دعا چندان است که لفظ «دعا» و مشتقاتش 200 بار در قرآن کریم به کاررفته‌است و خداوند، خود امر صریح فرموده که دعا کنید تا پاسختان دهم. پدیدۀ بسیار مهم و بنیادین دعا و نیایش در ادب دیرپای پارسی نیز جایگاه والا دارد. پیوند دیرین ادبیات و دین در ایران که نخستین نمونۀ درخشان این پیوند، متون اوستایی است، همواره دعا را در ردیف مهم‌ترین مضامین و نیز قالب‌های ارائه در ادبیات فارسی از دورۀ باستان تا میانه و نو قرار داده‌است. در ادب فارسی، از آثار حماسی چون شاهنامۀ حکیم فردوسی گرفته تا آثار داستانی از قبیل منظومه‌های نظامی و ادب غنایی و تغزّلی، همواره با کثرت و تنوّع به این پدیده برمی‌خوریم. در این مقاله برآنیم که با تکیه بر یکی از مهم‌ترین منظومه‌های داستانی پارسی، یعنی «لیلی و مجنون» نظامی گنجوی که بسیار مورد پیروی و تقلید شاعران قرار گرفته، جایگاه دعا و نیایش را در آثار نظامی به طور اخص و در ادب منظوم پارسی به طور عمومی بازنماییم و با روش توصیفی و تحلیلی، جایگاه این پدیدۀ بسیار مهم را در فرهنگ ایرانی ترسیم نماییم.}, keywords_fa = {دعا,نیایش,لیلی و مجنون,نظامی گنجوی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2409.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2409_b305415d648622d568247a575f41885a.pdf} } @article { author = {vatanmehr, maryam}, title = {“An idea about the Pahlavi word « viraf » in Ardāvīrāfnāme: Nīlāp:incinerater wet firewood”}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {295-316}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2018.12068.1837}, abstract = {Introduction Today the word "Pahlavi" is used for Zoroastrian middle Persian works in "Pahlavi Transcript" (Tafazoli, 1888, p.12). The result of polyphony of some signs of Pahlavi script and the similarity of some other signs is that one word can be read and understood in different ways. The name "ائجثفل" v‌īrāf/vīrāz in Ardāvīrāfnāmeh is like such a word. Because the word "فل" in Pahlavi has the same sign as the letters "P/F" as well as the letter "Z" , and adding the letter  ز (ح) after  (غ) آ can be written like "ثفل". Therefore "ثفل" shows the forms āp/ āz/ āf (and in new manner of reading is: āb/water) (Vatanmehr, 2016). Another letter which causes duality in reading this name is "ج"  with two phones "r"  and  "l" which results in two types of reading, i.e., " nīrāp/ nīlāp" . 2. Methodology In studying Ardāvīrāfnāmeh, considering the similarity of the names "ائجثفل" (vīrāf) and (اج : ثفل /var ī āp = water lake) in writing and reference to  سصدغ : ز‌ل‌ا‌ت /āp ‌‌ī kabōd= Dark blu) brought the question is that is there any connection between this name and the combinations? In order to find the answer, the researcher has started collecting data through  library research and for researching the meaning of this name,  morphology method was used . 3. Discussion Two names, in the first chapter, paragraph 19 of Ardāvīrāfnāmeh, are introduced: Ardāvīrāf and vēh šāpōhr. In Eliade point of view  Ardāvīrāf is related to Shamanism. In Shamanism the ghost of Shaman, in rapture of tender custom or life renewal, has left his body  and rises to the sky or to the depth of the lowest world ( Eliade,2014). By considering the mentioned connection between Ardāvīrāf and Shamnism custom , we investigate the name of Ardāvīrāf. This name is composed of two parts: Ardā and Vīrāf. Based on Zhinio's belief, the term ahlav/ardā (Avesta:ašavan) relates to the other world (Gignoux, 2015, p.17-18). The second part of this name is "ائجثفل" (vīrāf/vīrāz), which because of ambiguity in Pahlavi transcript, there is no agreement on the way of its reading .( same, 14 to 16). As mentioned before, in Pahlavi transcript, some words can be read in different manners because  some phonemes are  polyphonic. The word ائجثفل is the same as these words, which can be read in the following forms: nīlāp/nīrāp and vīrāp/vīlāp. Martin Huge also has used this word as virāja, virāya, virāzh (Huge, 1978, p.219). In chapter 10, Ardāvīrāfnāmeh mentions itself as gradient and uses some similes which have delicate ambiguity. In this chapter, Viraf is addressed as follows :  ائً ا# جی  ل‌اثفل اسغئش گز اج : ثفل : چ‌ثب‌غ  : وصدت ه‌‌ا شئش ا#  ج وثفدت‌ا‌ت (I̕ ll show you that lake of wet wood which is on me) (Gignoux,2015, p.190)   اشا‌ت ا‌ج: ا‌چ‌اجئ سصدغ : ز‌ل‌ا‌ت ا ئا‌ل‌ت ئا‌ه ؤ ثفل غصدت ه‌ا ؤ چ‌ثب‌غ ب‌ا‌غ  ت‌چ‌صدت : جی  شئش ا#  ج  وثفدت‌‌اا‌ثفد‌ت. (and showed a great water lake from dark blue and said: there is water that going from the wood that you set up on me) (Gignoux, 2015, p.56) In this section, three points have been mentioned: first: Fire annoyed from water, second: dark blue water lake, and third: burning wet wood . So, the name ائجثفل can be read in three ways: 1) Where there is a mention of annoyed fire from water, it can be read as "nīrāp". and be considered as NYRA+āp  combination: (ائج  fire +  ثفل water)[ائجصقث]= NYRỷ: fire (Mashkour, 1967, p.35) 2-There dark blue (Kabod) water ( سصدثث‌‌ : ی‌لات): This name can be read "nīlāp" (ائج  dark blue+  ثفل water) [nīl: a plant material and blue or azure color. Middle Persian(Farsi) nīlis results from main Indian . In Sanskrit nīla, is blue, azure ,black .(Hassandost, 2014) 3-Where there is a mention of annoyed wet wood from fire , it can be read as nīlāp/nīrāp/vīrāp. By considering the first part of the word vīra/nīra/nīla and their meanings relation with wood some samples have been provided from dictionaries: A) Vīra: [vrāsakan: sandalwood: Av: variša- wood(Baghbidi, 1390)]; in rotation beginning v to b˃Hassandoust§141: [barsam: branch tree˃ burz- ˃cover(Hassandoust,1393)]; in rotation r to l˃same§222: [bālāl:column of mansiom˃op: bārādār-(same,1393)]; in rotation beginning vi to g˃same§85:[ gurz: wooden or ferrous weapen, in Armenian˃ varz:hand stick (ibid.). B) nīra/ nīla: [nard: the tree trunk˃ op: nartā-/ Farsi: nardebān, ladder apparently from nard-(same,1393)]; in rotation rd to l˃ same, §223:[ nāl: say nay; Farsi: ney˃op: nādi-/ apparently from indigenous: nār: wheat field, Straw, Straw(ibid.).  Frequent revisions, numerous translations, and different forms in describing the story of vīrāf', show the significant position of this work and this character. How  could a  name with such an importance have no example in its literature and culture except Viraz, whereas, a name like nīāp remained even on geographical places and the name of Send River "Send" and the other name of "Jondi Shapor" were nīāp (Dehkhoda, 1995). Here, It can be found that both  vēhšāpōhr and nīāp originally address one thing. Although vīrāz has been mentioned in Avesta, this name is used in combination of names such as vīrāzdōxt, vīrāzbande, etc., were it is put at the first part of the name, but in Ardāvīrāf, it has been placed in the second part of the name. 3. Conclusion 1- Ardāvīrāf travel is related to Shamanism customs. 2-By considering the 10th chapter of the book, we can relate ائجثفل with annoyed fire from water (nirāp) , azure water lake (nīāp) and wood (vīrāp/nīlāp/ nīrāp), among these three, (nīāp) as  wet wood burners is considered  more correct . 3- nīlāp is used in geographical names too.      }, keywords = {"Pahlavy text","Ardāvīrāf","rapture","nīra"," Nilāp"}, title_fa = {نظری پیرامون واژۀ پهلوی ویراف در ارداویرافنامه نیلاپ: سوزانندۀ هیزم تر}, abstract_fa = {چکیده با توجه به نشانه هایی که در متن کتاب ارداویرافنامه آمده و نیز اشاره هایی که به ارتباط بین آیین شمنی و خلسۀ ارداویراف شده است، می توان به ویراف( دست پیدا کرد. از سویی، ( » « نتایج تازه ای پیرامون نام قابلیت چندگونه خوانی برخی واژه های پهلوی و بازنگری و بازخوانی هیزم های « که پیامد » دریاچۀ آب کبود « آن ها، و از سوی دیگر، اشاره به انداخته، ترکیب های نیلاپ ]نیره » آتش « ی است که موبد به » تر )چوب(+ آب[؛ نیلاپ ] نیره)آتش( +آب[ و نیز نیلاپ ]نیلی/کبود+آب[ را نمایاند و پایه های این پژوهش را پی افکند. در این میان، وجود دو نام برای موبدی که از خلسه بازگشته و اشارۀ » وِه شاپور « و » ارداویراف « پژوهشگرانی چون فیلیپ ژینیو و میرچا الیاده به وجود ارتباط بین خلسۀ ارداویراف و آیین خلسه شمنی، پژوهشی را در این زمینه موجب شد که نشان داد در این آیین، کسانی که به جهان مردگان وارد می شوند، جدای اند و این مسئله می تواند زاویۀ » نام جاویدان « از نام زمینی، دارای نام دوم یا دیدی تازه در دو نام داشتنِ موبد به ما بدهد. هدف از انجام این پژوهش، چیستی و چرایی ساخته شدن » « تلاش در شناخت واژه پهلوی و به کار رفتن آن و برداشتن گامی دیگر در راه شناخت واژگان کهن است.}, keywords_fa = {"متن پهلوی","ارداویراف","خلسه","نیره","نیلاپ"}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2419.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2419_9fe6aa20c7f0f85b3c8a412c1a40d670.pdf} } @article { author = {}, title = {شناسنامۀ علمی و اصل مجله}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {18}, number = {35}, pages = {1-316}, year = {2019}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.2433}, abstract = {}, keywords = {}, title_fa = {اصل مجله}, abstract_fa = {}, keywords_fa = {}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2433.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2433_435f7cbbcbc8e628ea3ebe4caeb83387.pdf} }