@article { author = {Akbarzadeh, Daryoosh}, title = {A Note on the Compound Kabul/ Zirang-China/ Chinestan Based on Kush-nama}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {1-24}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2020.14206.1942}, abstract = {1.Introduction Kuš-nāma (501-04/1108-11) is one of the most important books dealing with Iran-China and Silla historical relations. A unique manuscript of the work (by M. Abullah-al-Qari) is found in a collection held in the British Library (OR 2780). The manuscript is dated Ṣafar 800/October 1397 (Matini, 1997, p. 47). This manuscript of the Kush-nama is composed of 10,129 lines. It contains a number of gaps and a relatively large number of errors, which escaped the notice of the scribe. The text narrates “a community of Iranians who escaped to China due to the Arab invasion; Iranians received maltreatment and hostility of Chinese Emperor in a specific period of time. So, Abtin, commander of the community, wrote a letter to Taehur, Silla’s king, and asked for asylum. Taehur welcomed Iranians. Irano-Sillians fought Chinese king jointly. Abtin married Franak, the daughter of Silla king and the friendship converted to a family transplant.  After a while, Abtin and Franak decided to return back to Iran to secure the country from the Arabs. Faridun, Zoroastrian mythical hero, was born in Iran (the fruit of this marriage) and finally saved the country. According to the text, Faridun contacted his Sillian grandfather through letters and also sent several armies to support Silla against Chinese troops.”  From a specific chapter (verses no. 6000), Silla lost color and disappeared from the text and other tales replaced it. As I (Akbarzadeh, 2014, p. 6) previously noted the coming back of Abtin from Silla to Iran can reflect only a historical wish against the Arabs; it means that wishing to return back as an expected savior (from China-Silla) was achieved mythically in Persian texts but it was never practiced historically. Lack of the information on destiny of those Iranian migrants to Silla was a reason that the tale was interrupted and the story rerouted by other tales. Furthermore, parts of the content can be seen in other Islamic texts (cf. Mojmal-al-Tawarikh, 2010, p. 27). However, the book has three different chapters; the first one focuses on an introduction and the second one on the tales of Hellenic kings like Alexander. The third one or the main chapter stresses on relations between Iran and Silla proper (Akbarzadeh, 2014, p. 2-4). While Master Matini referred to “Silla” as main topic of the text but he suggested the term “Ba/eSilla” of the text (for the term Ba/eSilla> Beh-Silla” see Akbarzadeh and Lee 2018, p. 55) as Japan in another work (1990: 160-177); this suggestion traced his introduction (Kush-nama) by recommendation Mr. Rajabzadeh (1997, p. 75). Also Rajabzadeh (2002, p.  65-71; 2002, p.  82) mistakenly supposed the term Ba/esilla as Japan where he missed Sasanian objects of Gyeongju National Museum, philology, art history and texts studies (Sino-Iranian) (also see Vossoughi 2014, p.  23-45).   2. Methodology This study is based on comparative research by using mythology, text studies, historical records and archaeological evidences. In the study, I have tried to challenge Master Matini’s opinion about a verse (no. 1813) of Kush-nama where he explained the toponym of Kabul as mistake in the manuscript. For this issue, I frequently will refer to historical events of the fall of Sasanian Empire. Meanwhile, in this paper, I stress on the correctness of the verse and prove the text is very correct based on historical events.   3. Discussion: However, a chapter of Kush-nama is dedicated to a military deployment by Chinese king to attack Abtin, Iranian prince, and his troops. In the verse no. 1813, the Chinese King and his troop arrived from (the way) of Kabul to siege and attack Iranians while the text has not cited the toponym Kabul in previous verses. Master Matini, the editor of the text, wrote (footnote no.2 of the page) that “the use of the toponym is incorrect (here) “surly.”  Master Matini explained the toponym as a mistake by the poet! The author believes that the verse is correct based on some events related to the collapse of Sasanian Empire where “southeast of Iran” was entangled with China. For this issue, we are facing with the two important events; the first one was Yazdgird III’s escape to Sistan then to the Central Asia with intention to apply asylum from Chinese king. Secondly, escape of Piruz (Yazdgird’s son) to China, supports of Chinese Emperors of Tang dynasty to him (and other his relatives) against the Arabs. Late Sasanian and Post-Sasanian texts frequently have referred to these two events. Obviously Gaozong, Tang Emperor, welcomed Piruz as the legitimate monarchy of Persia as well as supported him against the Arabs.  Piruz, his son Narse, his brother Bahram and a Sasanian prince by the name Khosrow (?) received Emperors’ supports against the Arabs (Compareti 2009, p.  online). It seems that supports of Chinese Tang Emperor (Gaozong) to Piruz, his stay in Zirang (southeast of Iran), battles over the Arabs, traffics of Sasanian princes between the southeast and China can be comprehensive in the verse. In this specific period southeast of Iran linked with China meaningfully. At this time, the southeast became the cradle of the conflicts with the Arabs, to defend the national identity and secure the country while China was mingled with these issues. Despite Persian sources, Chinese texts also referred to Zirang (Pulleyblank, 1991, p.  online). Most probably, a series of epic Persian texts (Post-Sasanian), where heroes played roles from Sistan to China, can be influenced by those events;  Garshasb in Garshasb-nama, Faridun Tales (Kush-nama and others) and Sam-nama can be cited in support of the claim. The author raises this question as to why heroes such as Faridun, Franak, Garshasb, Zahak and Sam played role in China? Obviously those heroes are related to Zoroastrian resurrection! Other chapters of KN testify the relationship between China and southeast of Iran where the Chinese king asked for help from Mukran king (verse no. 6228). Also I would like to raise this question “who is Firuz, the king of Zabulistan, in Masalik-al-Mamalik?” May I suggest a connection between this king and Piruz, the son of Yazdgird?   4.­Conclusion The author believes that expeditions of Sasanian princes from China to the southeast (corridor) are reflected in Chinese king’s campaign in the verse. Also, the time of Hakim Iranshan, Zirang probably was not an important city for political and economic issues. Maybe Kabul overshadowed the toponym this time. Meanwhile, both cities were located in the southeast of Iran. In fact, the coming of a troop from the way which goes to Kabul, cannot be strange. Definitely, the economic situation of Kabul cannot be important for this issue when China and Silla entangled with sacred Zoroastrian elements! Furthermore, the author suggests that meaningful connections between mounts of Sistan and China according to Bundahishn can be influenced by those historical events. While BD knows well paths from Khorasan to China, the text has used two separate terms as “China” and “Chinestan” to describe the Far East. In the late Sasanian to Post-Sasanian texts there is a clear line between two terms which it has never studied (Akbarzadeh, 2020, p.  in print). However, using Persian “be” (toward) in the meaning of Persian “az” (from) frequently is seen in the Persian texts. In Old Persian period (i.e. Avestic text in the north and the Royal Inscriptions in the south) also dative-ablative was a normal function in grammatical structure (Abolghassemi, 1996, p.  287). Clearly the preposition of “be” does not mean “inside” (locative) in the verse.}, keywords = {Kush-nama,Sasanian,Silla,China,Yazdgird,Piruz}, title_fa = {«به کابل زناگه به کنده رسید» (یادداشتی بر ترکیب کابل/زرنگ-چین/چینستان بر پایه کوش نامه)}, abstract_fa = {در بیتی از کوش نامه حکیم ایرانشان ابی الخیر، در حالی که شاه چین منتظر نیروی کمکی است تا به آبتین، شاهزاده ایرانی، حمله ور شود، آن نیروی کمکی بناگهان از «کابل» از راه می رسد. استاد والامقام، جلال متینی، در زیرنویس این بیت، بکارگیری کلمه «کابل» را در اصل نسخه به «یقین»، اشتباه دانسته است. در این مقاله تلاش شده است تا درستی این بیت بیاری شواهد تاریخی به اثبات برسد. با وجود این، فروپاشی شاهنشاهی ساسانی، رخدادی بزرگ در پیوندهای دو سویه ایران و شرق دور بود. در این موضوع، نخست گریز یزدگرد از مسیر سیستان به آسیای میانه و نیت به رفتن به چین و دودیگر پناهندگی دودمان شاهی به چین، دو رخداد اثرگذار بر ادب پارسی و اساطیر زرتشتی بوده است. به باور نگارنده، ایستایی یزدگرد در سیستان و نیز فرزندش، پیروز، در زرنگ، و نبرد با تازیان، از یک سو و پشتی های امپراتورهای دودمان تانگ از سویی دیگر، بهانه درهم تنیدگی این دو کران جغرافیایی بوده است؛ این درهم تنیدگی ناشی از دو رخداد سیاسی-نظامی، تاثیری مهم بر ادب فارسی و نیز برخی اساطیر کلیدی زرتشتی گذاشته است.}, keywords_fa = {کوش نامه,ساسانی,پیروز,چین,متون اسلامی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2843.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2843_c67a0f4e42052d848fe96182565704e3.pdf} } @article { author = {Akbarizadeh, Mohsen and Taheri, Fatemeh}, title = {An Analysis of the Process of Sanctification of Tree in the Cultural Sphere of Halil Rood}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {25-44}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2020.14620.1965}, abstract = {                                                     1. Introduction There are various theories about what is holy and is unholy, and their causative agents. Generally, due to these theories, it can be said that communication with supernatural forces, differentiation, perfectionism, and being free from any contamination, are the most important holy attributes leading to a sense of fear and attraction in believers. These attributes in the Islamic culture go back to the nature of God, and accordingly, the creatures are sanctified to the extent that they possess this divinity. Based on these definitions, one of the holy manifestations can be the tree. The nature of the tree as a masterpiece of creation has always been admired and respected by various peoples, as much as it has been praised as a totem. Accordingly, this article attempts to examine the concept of holy issue, methods and holiness factors of the tree in the popular culture of the people in the field of civilization of Halil Rood.   2. Methodology According to the field of study of this paper - which is popular culture – the method of collecting data is the field method. In this way, the authors have gathered information on this subject by attending among people and visiting holy places and phenomena. The research method is also descriptive and analytical method. It means that firstly by describing the holy phenomena, the characteristics of the holy trees are shown. Then we analyze the reason and condition of the holy issue according to a semiotic approach. "Semiotics is the study of everything that points to something else. Semiotics is associated with the production of meaning and representation- as the Meta-analysis- seeking to show how meaning is constructed through the interaction of signs with one another. Meaning is influenced by systems and codes, so it is necessary to reach the methods of meaning, to obtain the codes or systems that govern the phenomena or texts. Accordingly, the goal of semiotics is to classify and regularize the structure of texts in order to achieve systems that consciously or unconsciously create meaning in the texts. Myth, too, has a very high capacity for semiotic analysis because it wants to provide a symbolic response to ontological and metaphysical ambiguities. Myths consist of signs that symbolically represent the ideal human world. Although different myths differ in details, but derived from human mind, it can admit that they are similar in structure and pattern. The holy issue- as already mentioned - is the basis of religion and mythology, which has manifested itself in various forms and traditions in the mental structure of man and mythology. Accordingly, the semiotics of myth is an attempt to achieve the unifying structure of the human mind and the integration of its mental products. From a semiotic point of view, any phenomenon that enters into the mythical structure, based on the contradictory structure of the human mind, enters into one of the holy antithetical categories, and accordingly constitutes a part of the myth as a whole. The holy and the unholy are also understood in this way through the contrast.   3. Discussion  Sanctification (holiness) is a kind of cultural process that connects man with the meaningless nature in a supernatural sense. So every sacred thing is as a material symbol that is accompanied by an immaterial (spiritualistic) sign. This transforms sanctification into a process of sign that is achieved through the co-existence and succession of signs. The Sanctification of the tree also has a symbolic mechanism. It means that the tree, through its succession and communion with the sacred phenomenon, transcends its material status and becomes an immaterial (spiritualistic) phenomenon.   Old age and greenness are the factors that can distinguish one tree from the other, and this distinction gives the tree a new and unmistakable image and brings it into the sacred structure. This distinction results in the "perfection" of the tree. One of the trees with this feature is the cypress tree. Being old and green as a distinctive and natural characteristic of the cypress and its association with saints such as Prophet Zoroaster is one of the main factors of sanctification of the cypress in Iranian culture. Trees and other plants, not through themselves, but for the sake of what they discover, become manifestations of power and take on a sacred aspect as a religious matter. One of these discoveries is the medicinal and medical properties of some trees. Linked to the phenomenon of human life, death, and immortality, this gives the tree a symbolic aspect.  Symbolism of the tree with the sacred and the cosmic issue has appeared in the myths in the form of the body of God in the form of a tree, depicting the plant gods. The medicinal property of the tree is the characteristic that separates and transfers the tree from the natural status to the sacred or holy status. Any phenomenon can be sanctified by being replaced by the divine, such as the old age and the medicinal properties mentioned before because it indirectly replaces the immortality of God. Sometimes the sanctification (holiness) of the phenomenon is made not by the substitution property, but by the proximity and co-existence of the sign with the sacred or holy issue. Lotus, for example, is sanctified because of its proximity to burial places or Imamzadeh or Ghadamgah for "something else" on it. In other words, by its presence in the proximity of the sacred or holy place and by the natural property of its tree (resurrection) it repeats and renews something superhuman (female fertility) and becomes a symbol and allegory as a matter of divinity. In the structure of religions, this sanctification (holiness) usually manifests itself in the form of specific individuals (prophets, imams, devotees, etc.). Any phenomenon that somehow falls into the companionship of these people can have the attributes of the sacred or holy issue. The attribution of the palm tree to Ali (AS) is one of the reasons for the holiness of this tree. In the field of Halil Rood, any tree that is in any way related to the world of the dead and the world of jinn, and in general to the mysterious forces, is taboo and sacred. This means that it simultaneously evokes a sense of admiration and fear. The source of this fear is the belief in the supernatural and evil force that exists in the tree.        4. Conclusion The main reason of the holiness or sanctification of the tee comes from the natural and intrinsic properties of the tree itself, such as the constant growth, renewal, and greenness of the tree that has led to an animistic and vibrant thinking about it and has found a supernatural power. In some cases, the communion and succession of the holy tree has made it sacred. From a semiotic point of view, it can be said that the meaning of the holiness of the tree is formed by differentiation and difference. That is, the distinction that creates a supernatural belief about the tree and turns it into a sacred concept. The results of this study show that this distinction and holiness in the tree is mostly made through the process of companionship and in some cases by substitution with the sacred issue. Until the tree enters into the sacred structure of myth through the human mind, it is a sign as other signs without any particular meaning, but becomes a holy and meaningful element upon entering the sacred structure. This structural character is not just limited to the tree and can encompass other broader contexts such as place, time, objects, rituals, and so on. In the cultural domain of Halil Rood, this sacred inclusive structure is present.}, keywords = {Myth,scared,Halil Rood,tree,Totem}, title_fa = {فرایند تقدیس درخت در حوزه فرهنگی هلیل رود}, abstract_fa = {مقدس، مفهومی است که در طی آن یک پدیده، به واسطه ارتباط با نیروهای مافوق‌طبیعی، منحصر به فرد و از محیط پیرامونش جدا می‌گردد و در نتیجه دارای قوانین ویژه‌ای می شود. در هر صورت مقدس نوعی تجلی ویژه خدا است که می‌تواند به مخلوقات منتقل شود. درخت در فرهنگ‌های گوناگون هم بنا به دلایل فیزیکی و هم به دلیل مجاورت و یا جانشینی با امر قدسی، جایگاه قداست گشته است. در حوزه تمدنی هلیل رود به واسطه ویژگیهای جغرافیایی(آب فراوان و زمین مناسب) درختهای فراوانی می روید و همین امر منجر به توجه خاصی به درخت در این منطقه شده است. در این پژوهش تلاش شده تا از طریق مطالعات میدانی و با روشی توصیفی و تحلیلی و و رویکرد نشانه‌شناختی، شیوه‌های تقدس درخت و انتقال آن در حوزه هلیل‌رود، بررسی شود. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که مهمترین شیوه‌های تجلی قداست از طریق هم‌نشینی درخت با امر قدسی صورت گرفته است. کهنسالی و قدمت درخت، ارتباط دادن درخت با فرد مقدس، درخت به عنوان جایگاه اجنه و نیروهای غیبی، هم نشینی درخت با مردگان و خاصیت‌های طبیعی و دارویی از مهمترین عوامل تقدیس درخت در حوزه هلیل رود محسوب می‌شوند.}, keywords_fa = {اسطوره,تقدیس,هلیل رود,درخت,توتم}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2844.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2844_9cb274462c7438620c7bb17b7b0cba22.pdf} } @article { author = {tabesh, yaqub}, title = {Validation of the historical evidence of Curzon on Iranian seafaring}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {45-67}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2020.14926.1985}, abstract = {1. Introduction One of those who seeks to provide historical evidence for Iranians’ thalassophobia is British Lord Curzon. In his book , “ Persia  and the Persian Question” , he presents a variety of material on  political, social, and economic situation of  Iran's geographical area in the late ante modernism  period ; one of which is how Iranians deal with the sea .By collecting selective evidence , he plans to prove Iranians' fear of  sea.   2. Methodology The data processing method in this paper is descriptive-analytical. At the beginning, the data has been gathered in library and documentary method, then a brief history of Iranians 'naval presence from the early Islamic centuries to the eighth century has been presented. Next, the story of Abdu al-razzaq Samarkandi's ambassadorship and the incomplete story of Hafez's voyage have been reanalyzed. In epilogue, a myriad of evidence about Iranians’ presence in seas arena has been extracted from Ibn-e Battuta's itinerary and categorized into 4 important groups. Finally, a table of Iranians' activities in high seas ground has been prepared.   3.Discussion Abdu al-razzaq Samarkandi's voyage is the first story Curzon puts forward in order to prove Iranians' thalassophobia. He quotes Abdu al-razzaq as saying “ once  I smelled the ship and thought of  sea fearing  , I lost consciousness so much that I could not live for more than three days ...” Though , to  generalize  a person's behavior to a nation  and to ignore the dominant behaviors of  people of that nation  do not make sense, in Abdu al-razzaq’s book , contrary to what Curzon says  , there exists some evidence which challenges his view ; taking Abdu al-razzaq’s writings into consideration ,  the first time he boarded the  ship in Hormuz  was not the right time for a voyage , thus he desembarked the ship in Masqat . From there he came to Quriyat. Due to heat and illness, four month stay in Quriyat was spent so hard. The ambassador was boarded on a ship while he was still sick. At last, the sea calmed down and Abdu al-razzaq regained his health. In this part of voyage lasting for 18 days and nights which is considered as its main part, Abdu al-razzaq and his companions experience a pleasant voyage joyfully. For this, he gives a delightful description of ship and voyage in his book. It's weird that Curzon doesn't mention this part of voyage. Extracting the data from the book Matla al-sa’dayn to confirm Iranians’ thalassophobia and ignoring the fact that Abdu al-razzaq is experiencing sea voyage for the first time do not seem fair and impartial. Even if we accept that using original text of Matla al-sa’dayn  has been impossible for Curzon , and he might have accessed to an outlined part of Abdu al-razzaq's voyage story  within the events of 845 AH through another person (Houtun Schindler), an employee of the Indo-European Telegraph Company, in  Iran ), but nothing changes. That is one of the examples Curzon provides in proving Iranian’s thalassophobia, however, is an incomplete interpretation of Samarkand's personal experience so it is not credible enough to generalize. Hafez Shirazi's thalassophobia is the second example which Curzon articulates as follow; Hafez “was invited by King Salman Dacan to his court in India. The poet went, saw and stayed. When the ship arrived on the island of Hormuz, he insisted to be disembarked, and in the end he concludes: "Hafez and Abdu al-razzaq were more or less moral proofs of their compatriots. There is no name or trace of Iranians’shipping in the Caspian Sea”. While Hafez’s personal experience approves Curzon’s view, in Hafez’s voyage itself there are points and evidence which assent to theory of Iranians’ thalassophobia and their presence in naval activities. In addition to these, another source which indicates the widespread attendance of Iranians in the islands and ports of the Indian Ocean (from Persian Gulf to the coast of China) is Ibn-e Battuta's itinerary. Based on it, Iranians who were active in seas arena can be divided into four groups; The most important group was the merchants; Iranian merchants’ footstep can be traced to almost all coasts and islands of the Indian Ocean. In Hormuz which was seen as merchants’ starting place, they had built some houses thanks to Hormuz kings’ fair policies and custom’s legislation in favor of Iranian goods. In port of Lahori near the place where Indus River runs into the Indian Ocean, an Iranian named Alao al-mulk Khorasani had fifteen ships which were carrying his impedimenta.  Sultan of India had granted Kanbaye city to one of the great Iranian merchants. Kanbaye indebted its prosperity to foreign merchants, whom the largest were Iranian. Iranian merchants possessed the big houses of the city and were counted as the founders of city mosques.  Besides each of the Iranian merchants’ constructions in ports of India, Ibn-e Battuta, on a trip to China, recounts the reconstruction of the island of Bayram by a great Iranian merchant. In cities of Mangrur, Kalikot, Zaytoon (Canton, Gungzhou), the Iranian merchants had a significant presence. The second group were judges and religious scholars; key religious seats in Mecca had been taken by Iranians which Ibn-e Battuta reminisce with honor. Iranian judges would serve in islands of Zaybato al-mahal (Maldives) – located on the southwest of Indian subcontinent, in city of Zaytoon (Canton), and in Coleum – located on the southeastern coast of India. The third were Sufis. Sufi Sheiks were serving throughout Indian and Chinese seas in cities like; Lahori, Kanbaye, Kalikot, Coleum, Zaytoon (Canton), and Kamaro Mountains from Bengal region. The last Iranian group were those involved in governmental affairs of the areas of Indian Ocean and Chinese Sea. An Iranian person governed Lahori and its environs which gathered plenty of its ministerial earnings and wealth from its big port. Iranians acted in state affairs of cities of Kanbaye, a conduit land located in southern part of eastern coast of India and even in Java Island and they ruled these places as well.   4.Conclusion Thorough review of data in books “Matla al-sa’dayn” by Abdu al-razzaq Samarkandi , “ History of Fereshteh ” by Mohammad Qasem Fereshteh, and “ Ibn-e Battuta’s Itinerary” by Mohammad Ibn-e Battuta with subject of  the Iranians’ endeavors in sea corroborate the erroneous claim of this study, that is , the Iranians’ thalassophobia by Lord Curzon . Inquiry into details of two stories from which Curzon deduce Iranians’ sea fearing  demonstrate that some existent evidence in these stories violate Curzon’s claim ; Iranian merchants , literati, and officials’ traffic by sea to Iran and Indian coasts can be clearly traced in full version of these two stories in main sources. According to Ibn-e Battuta's Itinerary, no one can deny the presence of Iranians in four groups of (merchants, judges and religious scholars, Sufi sheikhs and political and military rulers) from Khorasan, Tabarestan, Gilan, Qazvin, Ardabil, Tabriz, Isfahan, Fars, namely from the east, west, north, south and center of Iran and also the penetration of Persian language in the sea routes of Persian Gulf to China. Attention to this evidence suggests that Curzon has been using the data selectively to prove the idea he has had in his mind.}, keywords = {: Curzon,Iranians,Thalassophobia (fear of the sea)}, title_fa = {اعتبارسنجی شواهد تاریخی کرزن دربارۀ دریاهراسی ایرانیان}, abstract_fa = {کرزن سیاستمدار و نویسندۀ انگلیسی با آوردن دو شاهد‌مثال از قرون هشتم و نهم هجری-حافظ شیرازی و عبدالرزاق سمرقندی- ایرانیان را دریاترس و فاقد روحیه دریانوردی می‌داند. این تحقیق در صدد است با گردآوری داده‌ها به روش کتابخانه ای و تحلیل آن‌ها، وضعیت فعالیت دریایی ایرانیان را در قرن هشتم و نهم هجری قمری با تکیه بر منابع داستان های مورد استفاده کرزن و منابع پشتیبان دیگر- به ویژه سفرنامۀابن‌بطوطه- روشن کند. بر اساس این پژوهش اظهارنظرهای کرزن درباره دریا هراسی ایرانیان قابل نقد است؛ او بر اساس شواهد ناکافی و نادیده گرفتن داده‌هایی که ازقضا در منابع مورداستفادۀ او هم موجود است قاعده‌ای کلی ساخته است؛ این درحالی است که مشاهدۀ دقیق این منابع و منابع هم‌عصر آن‌ها مؤید این است که به‌رغم اضطراب تعداد کمی از ایرانیان -که برای اولین بار دریا را می‌دیدند اقشار بسیاری از آن‌ها در قرون هشتم و نهم هجری قمری در عرصه دریاها مشغول فعالیت بودند.}, keywords_fa = {کرزن,ایرانیان,دریاهراسی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2845.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2845_95eb60b226f2bf77609f3169dc41e3e0.pdf} } @article { author = {ramezani, samira and Pashaie Fakhri, Kamran and Adelzadeh, parvaneh}, title = {A Study of the Concepts of Aesthetics in Mathnavi-e Manavi Based on Theories of Deep Structure}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {69-99}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2020.14264.1948}, abstract = {1. Introduction Aesthetics is one of the most important and essential issues in the literature of nations, therefore it is necessary to study this issue in the authentic works of Persian literature based on other aesthetic theories. Mathnavi Manavi is one of the most outstanding treasures of Persian literature and mysticism, which can be considered in order to understand the concept and function of beauty. In this valuable work, the most important fundamentals of mystical aesthetics are explained. The issue under study is to examine the deep structure concepts of aesthetics based on proportion, perfection, taste and pleasure in Mathnavi Manavi. Considering the concept of "proportionality and harmony" from Movlana's point of view, the origin of existence of all creatures of the universe is from God almighty, and all the creatures are illustrations of the divine soul and spirit, thus in their nature there is proportion and harmony and there are no defects or disproportion in them and they have all been created in complete balance and harmony. Movlana considers two aspects to the concept of pleasure, that is, external and internal pleasure. He defines pleasure as a pleasant and desirable sense that is derived from the meaning of something, and he only considers a kind of pleasure as authentic which is derived from the wisdom of human beings. Considering perfection, from Movlana's point of view beauty is a stage and means towards perfection. He considers the perfection of creatures in reaching their real potentials and origin, and the closer they get to that real potential and origin, the more beautiful and perfect they are.   2.Methodology In this article, first, the sources related to aesthetics have been studied thoroughly. After studying Mathnavi, the characteristics and components of aesthetics have been extracted from this work by considering the view point of scholars in this field and  attempts have been made to study aesthetics in Movlana's thoughts and words based on the concept of "proportionality, usefulness, pleasure and perfection" and Mathnavi Manavi verses have been investigated by content-analytical method.   3. Discussion Beauty is one of the most important and difficult concepts that has been considered and studied in the field of philosophy and mysticism for a long time, and comprehending what it is and how to obtain and understand it has had an important role in the formation of literary. and artistic creations and their characteristics in different ages for different schools of thoughts. Islamic scholars and mystics have expressed their opinions on beauty based on their specific epistemological concepts and principles and worldview, and their views cover all the elements of human life, and these works of art are emerged and reflected in individual and social activities. In other words, in Islamic wisdom and mysticism, beauty is mostly an ontological concept, so much   that in mysticism, "the discussion of beauty is the discussion of existence and creatures ... [because in this view] beauty is the emergence of existence and truth" (Pazouki, 2003, p. 4). One of the most outstanding and magnificent literary and mystical texts that can be used to comprehend the truth of beauty is Mathnavi Manavi. This work is considered a great masterpiece in the history of literature and is one of the most complete philosophical and wisdom works in verse in Persian language and can be studied in the field of philosophy of art and philosophical aesthetics. The poet aims at evoking the feelings and emotions and manifesting true spirit in a human being. The whole beauty of the poem is also a production of joining and creating harmony between each of its elements. The coordination between different parts of the poem including surface beauty (surface structure section) and in-depth beauty (deep structure section) constructs the whole principle of poetic aesthetics. "The different parts in the surface structure section include language (phonemes, words, phrases, and syntactic forms), music (external, side, internal and spiritual) and imaginary forms. The deep structure section includes what is related to the content or deep meaning of the poem and  includes emotions, the thought underlying  the emotion and the subject or message or whatever which  is proposed in classical literature as the meaning of the poem” (Sehba, 2005, p. 93). This study has a philosophical approach to beauty and aesthetics and goes beyond external and structural forms. The concept of beauty and aesthetics has various dimensions which cover a wide range of in-depth meanings, including materialistic (superficial) and spiritual meanings. Here are some general definitions of beauty:      Aesthetics based on good proportion (harmony) and usefulness; "Plato's closest definition of beauty is the definition of beauty in proportion and harmony, which applies to both tangible and over-tangible beauty". He certainly acknowledged that there were two, and one covered the other one" (Madadpour, vol. 2, 2004, p. 182).     Aristotle also considers proportionality as a criterion for beauty, as Will Durant puts it: "Aristotle's answer to the question of beauty is the unique answer of the Greek; beauty means the coordination and proportionality and excellent order in the components which make the whole. Whether we are talking about beauty in living beings or objects which are composed of different parts, among these parts there must be an order and coordination, there must also be a limit and certain size to each part , because the criterion for beauty is having a certain size and order” (Durant, 1995, p. 217).     Imam Mohammad al-Ghazali has also expressed his views on beauty. He considers the real beauty to be in proportionality and believes that everything that is proportionate is a manifestation of the beauty of the afterlife world and believed: "The essence of man is connected with the afterlife world - which is called the world of souls - and the afterlife world is the world of goodness and beauty. Goodness and beauty are proportionate, and whatever is proportionate is an illustration of the beauty of the afterlife world, since the beauty and proportion that is observed in this world is all the production of goodness and beauty and proportion of the afterlife world” (Balkhari, 2008, p. 46).     Attention to beauty and aesthetics is one of the main and important principles of Persian love poetry and mystical poetry, and Movlana is no exception in this issue. According to him, there are no defects or disproportion in God's creations. All the living beings in the universe are created by the God almighty who has created them in the right proportion and in a balanced and compatible way. So they are all beautiful. Since all the creatures of the universe have received the origin of their existence and soul from God and thus are illustrations of the divine soul and spirit, so in their essence there is order and proportion.     Movlana also associates proportionality with efficacy. In his view, a living being is beautiful and proportionate when it is beneficial and useful. In this case, the more distant the creature from its goal and end, the more disproportionate and ugly it will be. For example, a tree is proportionate when it is green with plenty of fresh fruits and not just upright in appearance.      Aesthetics based on the meaning of taste; in the contemporary literature on aesthetics, taste is a broad concept from which the aesthetic aspect of a phenomenon can be gained. Early writers such as Shaftesbury and Hutcheson believed that aesthetic judgment relied on an "inner feeling" close to one's moral conscience. Those who consider taste to be a form of aesthetic perception or intuition generally accept that taste is a kind of inner feeling by which the beauty or glory and extraordinary  attributes of a phenomenon can be discerned, and the obvious aspect is the feeling of satisfaction and pleasure that a person gains.     Beauty in the sense of "pleasure," is also rooted in ancient Greek and Epicurean philosophy. "Epicureans described beauty as something enjoyable." (Balkhari, 2008: 45) As Epicure said, "Every creature is looking for pleasure, and happiness   is in pleasure" (Copleston, vol. 1, 1989, p. 467).     There are many theories about the discussion of pleasure in beauty, and some experts in this field have included "pleasure" in their definition of beauty. One of them is William Ahaloureny. This is his definition of beauty: "Beauty is something that is inherently enjoyable, and in other words beauty is something which gives pleasure to mind and arouses love" (Tolstoy, 1971, p. 329) .     Movlana has used the concept of pleasure with the words "joy", "taste" and "pleasure", and   he considers pleasure to be of two kinds:  superficial and inner pleasure. He defines pleasure as a pleasant and desirable feeling derived from the meaning of something.     According to Movlana, pleasure is the hidden meaning in things, and this gives motivation for the man to acquire everything. In fact the motivation to move and try to achieve different things derives from the hidden and shapeless taste and pleasure in their meaning. This aspect of pleasure is sometimes immaterial  and sometimes material and visible and  Movlana believes that some people are  misled by material and physical pleasures which  bring about their destruction , and he considers only immaterial  pleasure to be genuine which is  the result of shrewd evolved mind.     Aesthetics based on the meaning of perfection; from view point of Muslim scholars and philosophers, beauty and aesthetics are always associated with perfection, because " every perfection requires beauty and there is a very strong connection between them and beauty should not be separated from perfection. Beauty is inherently related to perfection" (Avani, 1996, p. 321). From Farabi's point of view " God is the source of beauty since he created the man and this world from his own beauty. God is the most perfect being, and all the goodness and beauty is from him" (Bahrami, 2015, p. 137).   Considering perfection as beauty Plato says: " God wanted the creatures to be as perfect as possible, and their perfection was to be like the most perfect being, and since there was no more perfect being than God Himself, God's will was to make all things like Himself " Plato says (Durant, vol 1, 1996, p. 283).      Movlana considers beauty and attractiveness to be a stage of perfection, and the manifestation of the ultimate perfection and beauty is in God almighty. He considers all the creatures to be beautiful and he believes that each of them is created for a purpose which is beyond the visible beauty, and those beauties lead the man to ultimate beauty which God possesses. According to him, all the enthusiasm and passionate movements   of the creatures of the universe are in the attainment of perfection and connection with the ultimate perfection. According to Christine Woolf, "the reason for the existence of this perfect world is to reflect the infinite perfection of God. The reason for the existence of shrewd and sensitive living beings such as man is to be able to comprehend and appreciate the perfection of God, which is crystallized in the world of creation. In a book called "Rational Thoughts on the End of Natural Affairs", he states that "the ultimate goal of the world is to find the perfection of God through it ..." (Wolff, 1726, p. 6). In Movlana's view point, perfection is the highest stage of beauty because it somehow includes all stages of beauty, such as goodness and usefulness, proportion and pleasure.   3. Conclusion From Greek philosophy to Baumgarten, we are faced with variety and diversity of many meanings of aesthetics, which can hardly be attributed to a number of semantic variations of aesthetics; furthermore beauty is not subject to fixed rules and regulations. Thus beauty and aesthetics have different dimensions that cover a wide range of superficial (apparent) and deep (spiritual) meanings. In Movlana's view, the whole universe is a manifestation of his existence. God has various manifestations in the world. Movlana considers all the components of creation as a unique manifestation of God. Thus, in Movlana's view, existence is a mirror in which God is constantly manifested. Movlana finds all the components of existence to be full of beauty, and since the origin of all creatures is from God, there is proportion and order in their nature, and in God's creations there are no defects or disproportion. God almighty has created all the living beings in balance and therefore they are all beautiful. Furthermore, Movlana considers proportionality to be equivalent to usefulness, and in no way considers proportionality to mean the observance of numerical and mathematical proportions in the appearance of living beings, thus in his view a living being is beautiful and proportionate when it is useful and effective. A creature which is far removed from its purpose of creation will be just as disproportionate and unattractive. Regarding aesthetics based on pleasure Movlana considers pleasure to be of two kinds:  superficial and inner pleasure. He defines pleasure as a pleasant and desirable feeling derived from the meaning of something. Movlana believes that some people are misled by material and physical pleasures which bring about their destruction; he considers pleasures such as the acquisition of superficial sciences and knowledge - which are the result of partial egoism and reasoning and thus devoid of true knowledge - to be phony and unstable, and he considers only deep inner pleasure to be genuine which is the outcome of shrewd evolved mind. Therefore, true pleasure is an inner and intrinsic thing, not an external and superficial thing. And in order to attain true happiness, the man on the way to real pleasure must move in the direction of spiritual life. Concerning aesthetics based on perfection,     Movlana considers beauty and attractiveness to be a stage of perfection, and the manifestation of the ultimate perfection and beauty is in God almighty. He considers all the creatures to be beautiful and he believes that each of them is created for a purpose which is beyond the visible beauty, and those beauties lead the man to ultimate beauty which God possesses. According to him, all the enthusiasm and passionate movements   of the creatures of the universe are in the attainment of perfection and connection with the ultimate perfection.  SoMovlana believes that the perfection of all the creatures is in reaching their real potential and origin and the closer they get to that stage of perfection, the more beautiful they will be and thus they will benefit more from the real perfection.}, keywords = {Aesthetics,Proportionality,Taste and Pleasure,Perfection,Deep Structure}, title_fa = {بررسی مفاهیم زیبایی شناسی در مثنوی معنوی بر اساس نظریات ژرف ساختی}, abstract_fa = {زیبایی شناسی یکی از مباحث مهم و بنیادین در ادبیات ملل است، از این رو بررسی این موضوع در آثار اصیل ادبیات فارسی و با استناد به دیگر نظریه های زیبایی شناختی در این خصوص ضرورت دارد. از مثنوی معنوی می توان به منظور شناخت مفهوم و کارکرد زیبایی، به آن توجه و استناد کرد. که مهم ترین مبانی زیبایی شناسی عرفانی تبیین شده است. مسئلۀ مورد پژوهش، بررسی مفاهیم ژرف ساختی زیبایی شناسی بر اساس تناسب، کمال، ذوق و لذت در مثنوی معنوی است. در مفهوم «تناسب و هارمونی» از منظر مولانا، اصل وجود تمام مخلوقات هستی از جانب خداوند متعال است و موجودات نمونه ای از جان و روح الهی هستند، بنابراین در ذات آن ها تناسب و هماهنگی وجود دارد و در آفریده های خداوند کژی و عدم تناسب نیست و همۀ موجودات متعادل و سازوار آفریده شده اند. در مفهوم «لذت» نیز، مولانا به دو معنی از لذت ظاهری و باطنی قائل است. او لذت را به معنی حس خوشایند و مطلوبی که از معانی چیزی حاصل شده باشد، تعریف می کند و تنها لذت هایی را اصیل می داند که حاصل دریافت عقل تعالی یافته انسان باشد. در مفهوم «کمال»، مولانا زیبایی را قرین و مرتبه ای از کمال می داند. او کمال موجودات را در رسیدن آن به اصل و حقیقت وجودی خود می داند و هر قدر که به آن مرتبه نزدیک باشد کامل و زیباست. روش تحقیق، توصیفی – تحلیلی بوده و روش گرد آوری اطلاعات به صورت کتابخانه ای است.}, keywords_fa = {زیبایی شناسی,تناسب,ذوق و لذت,کمال,ژرف ساختی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2846.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2846_be7c67b7fa864f14f09e6b6ebe5d7418.pdf} } @article { author = {Zare Behtash, Esmail and Elhami, Fatemeh}, title = {The Comparative study of the the rise of mystical poetry in Iran and England}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {101-132}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2020.14776.1974}, abstract = {1. Introduction The underlying purpose of this article is to compare and contrast the rise and development of mystical poetry in England and Iran to find the common grounds by focusing briefly on the chief poets of the two cultures. Mysticism both in Persian and English literature laid stress on love for God along with piety and purity seeking to gain Oneness with Him. The Devine is the idyllic manifestation attained by direct or indirect experiences. Therefore, a mystic refers to a person who, in one way or another, establishes a heavenly relationship with the Divinity through purgation and self-consciousness to attain union with God. A best place for the manifestation of mysticism is poetry. Although the rise of mystical poetry in Iran and England does not happen concurrently, in the present paper we have tried to explore the common grounds for the rise of mystical poetry in order to analyze and appreciate them.   2. Methodology The present study attempts to explore the common grounds for the rise and development of mystical poetry in Iran and England focusing on the major poets. To achieve this, the present research employs a descriptive- library method to introduce these poets to show how their poetry rooted in mysticism, love for God, attempts to attain unity with the source of existence or the Oneness.   3. Discussion Mystical poetry in Iran began gradually from the eighth century. With the rise of Sufi thoughts from the tenth century on this type of poetry with Sana’i brilliant odes mixed with wisdom and insightful lyrics paved the way for Attar of Nishapur’s didactic and simple masnavi (rhymed couplet). Sana'i Ghaznavi (1080 – 1141), had a tremendous influence upon Persian literature. He is considered to be the first poet to use the qasidah (ode), ghazal (lyric), and the masnavi to express the philosophical, mystical and ethical ideas of Sufism. Sana’i is followed by Attar of Nishapur (1145-1220) of whose greatness as a mystic, a poet, and a master of narrative, of whom Rumi has mentioned: "Attar was the spirit, Sana’i his eyes twain / And in time thereafter, came we in their train.” Rumi with his mystical discourse mixed with didactic allegories and mystified rhetoric takes the mystical poetry to its pinnacles. Jaláluddin Moláná Rumi was a Persian poet-philosopher, the greatest Persian mystical poet who was a major exponent of Sufi teachings as well as a profound philosopher. After eight hundred years, people from throughout the world still read Rumi, and the year 2007, the eight hundredth anniversary of his birthday was declared “Rumi Year” by UNESCO to signify the importance of his call to all humans for unity and ignoring the differences – speaking of himself, he states: “I am neither of the west, nor of the east; nor of the land, nor of the sea; … for I belong to the soul of the Beloved” who is eternal. The mystical poetry gets to its peak by Hafiz (1315-90) who celebrated the joys of love and wine but also targeted religious hypocrisy. He primarily wrote in the literary genre of lyrics or ghazals, the ideal style for expressing the ecstasy of divine inspiration. In his ghazals he deals with love, beloved, wine and taverns, all presenting ecstasy and freedom from restraint, speaking in the voice of the lover speaking of divine love. Hafiz’s influence on Persian speakers appears in divination by his poems acting somewhat similar to the Roman tradition of sortes vergilianae. In England mysticism is associated with Richard Rolle (1300-1349) who has been called the father of English mysticism devoting himself to a contemplative life feeling heat in his chest and hearing heavenly music. Moving to the Renaissance, the dominant feature of metaphysical poets was intellectuality combined with passion. John Donne (1572-1631), dean of Saint Paul’s, achieved great success as a preacher of sermons, and, like Rumi’s audience, people tried not to miss his sermons. Apart from its fondness for conceits, “strong-lined” along with “concentration” and a “sinewy” style marked the main features of Donne’s poetry in which love was the major theme. This love starts from love of women leading to the love of God. Moving to the Romantic Movement, with regard to love and beauty, the three great English poets who were fundamentally mystical in thought are Blake (1757-1827), Wordsworth (1770-1850) and in the Victorian Period, Robert Browning (1812-1889). Blake lived in a world of glory, of spirit and of vision which was the only real world for him. Imagination for Blake was the one great reality with Art whose language speaks through symbols. Wordsworth gained his revelation of divinity through Nature with a single theme of the mystical interpretation of nature. It was not the beauty of Nature which brought him joy and peace but the very life in Nature. He believed that every flower enjoys the air it breathes. The sense of ‘Oneness’ was very strong with Coleridge. He was conscious of the symbolic quality of all things visibly surrounding us. For Browning, mysticism was the reconciliation of opposites, yet he took it for granted that the object of life is to know God and in knowing love we come to know God, hence love is a shelter from the world ‘where ignorant armies clash by night.’   4. Conclusion Mystical poetry in Iran and England, though not coincided, share common grounds in search for truth, knowledge and closeness to God through mediation and prayer stressing on love and passion. The outcome of this comparative study showed that the knowledge of God and willing to unite with the Oneness is present in the poetry of the literature of both cultures. Self-knowledge for obtaining perfection under the favours of God’s compassion and mercy, through direct contemplation and self-surrender, along with having direct relation with God through His omnipresence and man’s contemplation over the Nature and the whole creation lead the life up to union with the One. This awareness is at the core of the themes of the poetry of these poets. Furthermore, it reveals that the Iranian mystical poetry compared with that of England enjoys genuineness and superiority. R. W. Emerson (1803-82), an American essayist and philosopher, believes that Asian spirituality and mysticism are richer than that of the west. R. A. Nicolson (1868-1945), English orientalist, scholar of both Islamic literature and Islamic mysticism, has praised Rumi as the greatest and most eminent poet and mystic of all the periods. Hegel praised him as one of the greatest poets and most important thinkers in world history. The common ground between these two cultures is that the mystic poet is the interpreter of celestial mysteries of existence and their eloquent discourse can easily shed light on these divine mysteries and mysticism is the idyllic interpretation of Existence.  }, keywords = {Mysticism,English literature,Persian mystical poetry,metaphysical poets,Sufi poets}, title_fa = {بررسی تطبیقی ظهور شعر عارفانه در ایران و انگلستان}, abstract_fa = {ظهور شعر عارفانه در ایران و انگلستان در یک بازة زمانی یکسان صورت نگرفته است. در ایران شعر عرفانی از اوایل قرن ششم هجری به بعد با ظهور سنایی شکلی گسترده می‌یابد و با عطار، مولوی و حافظ تا قرن هشتم به اوج شکوفایی خود می‌رسد. در انگلستان نیز با شکل‌گیری رنسانس در قرن هفدهم میلادی شعر مذهبی و عرفانی با جان‌دان آغاز می‌شود و با شاعران متافیزیک چون بلیک، وردزورث و براونینگ در قرن هجدهم و نوزدهم به اوج می‌رسد و در اواخر قرن نوزدهم با توجه به تغییرات ساختاری در نظام کلیسا و رواج بی‌دینی، بیشتر به شعر مذهبی نزدیک می‌شود. وجوه مشترک شاعران عارف ایران و شاعران متافیزیک انگلستان در این است که هردو گروه معتقد بودند که شاعر مترجم اسرار ملکوتی است و شعر و سخنان شیوای شاعر می‌تواند این رموز الهی را به بهترین شکل ملموس و نمایشی کند. مقاله حاضر، که حاصل یک پژوهش کتابخانه‌ای-توصیفی است، به طور مشخص به معرفی شاعرانی می‌پردازد که سروده‌هایشان ریشه در عرفان و گرایش با یکی شدن با مبدأ هستی دارد. یافته‌های این پژوهش حاکی از آن است که محوری‌ترین موضوعات شعری عارفان این بخش از ادبیات فارسی و انگلیسی شامل خودشناسی برای رسیدن به کمال انسانی در پرتو فیض و رحمت الهی، عشق الهی از طریق تجربۀ بی‌واسطه و داشتن ارتباطی آگاهانه از جلوه‌های خداوند در طبیعت و تأمل در آفرینش، رسیدن به حیاتی معنوی و دیدن جمال بی‌انتهای خداوندی از این شاعران است.}, keywords_fa = {عرفان,ادبیات انگلیسی,شعرعارفانة فارسی,شاعران متافیزیک,شاعران عارف}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2847.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2847_734baccde88fe49d7d52240bf2661a57.pdf} } @article { author = {shahsavari, meysam and Amirhajloo, Saeed}, title = {Qale- Soleyman (Solomon) of Jiroft and its Function}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {133-162}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2020.14619.1966}, abstract = {  1. Introduction Soleyman Castle is mentioned in written sources of the Islamic era and is very important in the modern culture of the people of Halilrud. due to this importance, false stories and information about this castle have been formed among the people of the region. Therefore, research on Soleyman Castle and its function will lead to a revision of the views that have already been presented without scientific evidence and reasons. In this article, an attempt has been made to discuss a historical monument, while analyzing this important work, to examine a corner of the dark corners of the region's history. This article, which is a monograph on Suleyman Castle, consists of two general sections; In the first part, this important castle is described and in the second part, historical texts are examined. Although they only mention the name of this castle, they are very important because they have hidden points that without them, it will not be possible to understand exactly what this monument is.       2. Methodology This research is basic research in terms of the nature of research and historical in terms of the type of research. The information of this article is collected by field and library methods and the method of using the data is descriptive-analytical. In this article, first, the appearance of the castle is discussed and elements such as the topographic features of the mountain on which the castle is located, architectural works, etc. are described and spatially analyzed. Then, the data of historical texts are analyzed.   3.Discussion Location Soleyman Castle is located in the southwest of Jiroft, on top of a single mountain of the same name, at the southern end of the western mountain range of Jiroft called Mata, and can only be reached from a difficult route. Despite the low height of this mountain compared to the northern peaks of the Bahr-e-Asman mountain range, it has a complete view and control over the Jiroft plain, and this mountain itself can be seen from very far distances and from four directions. There is only one way to reach the surface of Solomon Castle from the northeast (Photo 4) and access to this castle from other directions is impossible. Mount Solomon's Castle minus the north side, which has a relatively gentle slope, can be likened to a rectangular cube, of course, on two floors with a sloping head. The height of the mountain from the ground level to the second level floor is approximately 150 meters and from the second level floor to the highest part of the mountain is estimated at about 110 meters (Photo 6). In fact, it seems that the most important part of the castle is the strip that exists in the eastern part of the mountain. There is no other structure on the surface of this strip except 12 water storage ponds. Access to the mountain level on which the castle is built is possible only from one point and one route. To do this, you have to walk the entire eastern side of the mountain - which is about 550 meters - around the southern end of the mountain and reach a very narrow gap in the mountain wall. Contrary to expectations, the surface of the castle is very steep and has a very steep slope to the east. At this level, no other construction can be seen except for two artificial and man-made features, one at the southern end and the other near the northern end, including three reservoirs. Photo 16 shows the position of these three structures relative to each other and at the castle level. Text review: In the texts, this fort is mentioned in two periods of time, first in the events related to the late Seljuk dynasty of Kerman and second in the period of Al-Muzaffar. The first reference is made in the book Bada'i al-Azman by Afzal following the events of 570 AH. At this time, one of the elders of the Seljuk court [named Amir Mukhlis al-Din Massoud] was angered and sent to Soleyman castle for imprisonment (Afzal Addin Kermani, 1948, p. 57. Mirzā Mohammad Ebrahim Khabisi, 2008, p. 456-458). There are several important points in this reference: First, the castle was state-owned and administered by the government, at least during the Seljuk period. Second probably one of its main uses was prison, sending political prisoners or important prisoners there. The second period is related to the time of Al-Muzaffar and during this time, Suleiman's castle was famous for its invincibility and greatness (Moinuddin Yazdi, 1948, p. 176). During this period, there were clashes between the rulers of Al-Muzaffar and the Mongol tribes of Oghan and Jerma, known as the Hazareh of the Mongol tribes (for these two tribes, see Hafez Abru, 2001, p. 193) - who fled to this fort and took refuge in it. It took place (Kotobi, 1986, p. 53; Moinuddin Yazdi, 1947, pp. 187-188; Hafez Abro, 2001, pp. 194-195).     Analysis Depending on the location, accessibility, distance from main routes, distance from settlements and villages, distance from water resources and the shape and plan of the castle and its spatial facilities. It is not with a defensive function or control of the path, but according to the authors, it is a work that was developed in a certain period, probably during the Seljuk period, with a specific purpose, but later different groups used it with different purposes. Of course, it is quite acceptable that other groups have known and used it under any name before this date, but there is no convincing textual evidence and archaeological evidence to prove this hypothesis. There are many mountain castles in different parts of Iran that are very similar to Suleiman Castle in terms of various conditions such as distance from settlements and large population centers, difficulty of access, topographic features, etc., which was used as a prison according to historical texts. They will be useful, including Qahqaheh Castle in Ardabil and Alamut Castle in Qazvin, Istkhar Castle in Fars and Olonjoq Castle in Marand. Alamut Castle apparently served as a prison in pre- and post-Ismaili periods.   4.Conclusion Soleyman Castle is one of the most famous mountain castles in Jiroft and south of Kerman, which is an invincible natural fortress due to its special shape, location and location on a single all-rock mountain. But this castle has features such as location, shape, plan, distance from the road and large settlements, water supply and lack of vast space facilities that make it unused for a long time and can only be provided if food and water are provided. The required time spent in it means that if the castle is besieged by the enemy, the besieged will not last long. Although cultural materials are slightly scattered on the surface of Soleyman Castle, but due to the similarity of its pottery pieces with the examples of Sadr Islam to the Middle Ages in the old city of Jiroft and also based on historical sources, three historical periods can be considered for this castle: The period before the Seljuks, the period of the Seljuks and the periods after that. Although the oldest evidence of the use of this castle dates back to the first centuries AH, but its use in earlier and even pre-Islamic periods due to its natural features is quite possible, but it can not be considered its use. In the Seljuk period, according to a very important reference to the text of Badāye' al-Azman written by Afzal al-Din Kermani, this fort had a governmental function and was probably a prison or at least a prison of certain people whose natural characteristics of the monumental confirm such a use. Comparing this castle with several castles in different regions of Iran, such as Alamot, Qahqahe, Istakhr and Olonjok castles, which are comparable to Soleyman Castle in different ways and have been used as prisons based on the texts, strengthens such an assumption. The third period after the extinction of the Seljuks includes this period in which the castle seems to have been abandoned and lost its former use and was used only by various groups that generally fought with the central government (in Kerman). Considering all the features that have been enumerated, Soleyman Castle has never been a military, defensive, orWith the function of controlling important communication roads.}, keywords = {"Jiroft","Qaleh-e Soleyman","Islamic Period","Sljuks of Kerman","Archeaology"}, title_fa = {پژوهشی در چیستی و کارکرد قلعه سلیمان جیرفت}, abstract_fa = {قلعه سلیمان، یکی از مهم‌ترین و معروف‌ترین قلعه‌های جیرفت و حوزۀ هلیل‌رود است. این قلعه در جنوب غربی شهر جیرفت قرار گرفته و از جمله قلعه‌های کوهستانی است.با وجود شهرت این قلعه و ذکر نام آن در منابع تاریخی، پژوهش‌های زیادی دربارۀ آن صورت نگرفته و به نظر می‌رسد اطلاعاتی که دربارۀ آن وجود دارد چندان قرین صحت نیست.این پژوهش در قالب یک تک‌نگاری به این اثر پرداخته و با طرح این پرسش که چه کاربردهایی می‌توان برای این اثر طبیعی ـ تاریخی متصور شد تلاش کرده از زوایای مختلفی بدان بنگرد. شیوۀگردآوری اطلاعات در این پژوهش میدانی و کتابخانه‌ای است و از شیوۀ تحلیل فضایی و تحلیل محتوای متون استفاده شده است. بر پایة نتایج، این قلعه ویژگی‌هایی دارد که با وجود شرایط دفاعی فوق‌العاده نمی‌توان آن را یک قلعۀ مسکونی، نظامی یا مسکونی یا حتی پادگان نظامی دانست بلکه به نظر می‌رسددر دورۀ سلجوقیان کرمان برای منظورهای خاصی از جمله برای نگهداری و حبس زندانیان خاص ساخته یا در نظر گرفته شده است.اما در دوره-های بعد، پس از فروپاشی سلجوقیان، این کارکردحکومتی خود را از دست داده و توسط گروه‌های مختلف عموما مخالف با حکومت‌های وقت استفاده شده است.}, keywords_fa = {"جیرفت","قلعۀ سلیمان","دوران اسلامی","سلجوقیان کرمان","باستانشناسی"}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2848.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2848_53f6e5cd262806928e0d346584c9a3b1.pdf} } @article { author = {Tabatabaei, S. Sepehr and Raei, Peyman}, title = {A Comparative Study of "41-Menbari" Religious Ceremony in Shahreza, Iran}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {163-189}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2020.15023.1990}, abstract = {  1.Introduction Ashura and Moharam mourning rituals held in different parts of Iran are of high important among Shia rites. Each of these rituals varies depending on the days of the month of Muharram. During the first decade of Muharram, the ninth day, Tasoa, in turn, has certain rituals. One of the rituals of Tasoua is the "41-Menbari" which is held in different cities of Iran. Shahreza, located about 70 kilometers southeast of Isfahan, is one of the cities where this ritual is still held on Tasua Day. No such source has been mentioned in Shahreza so far. In this study, we first attempt to study ethnography and locative properties of this ritual in Shahreza city and then compare its symbols and characteristics with other regions of Iran. Field research performed by interviewing locals and participant observation of the ritual and library resources were used to find out how the event is held elsewhere in Iran. Tasua rituals are held in many areas to commemorate the martyrdom of Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas, performed in the form of Taziyeh, Rozah, etc. One of the other rituals that is performed more specifically in some cities of Iran is known as "candlelight", "forty-one pulpits", "forty pulpits" and "seven pulpits". In this ritual, the participants go to holy places and light candles. The fortieth pulpit ritual has no history in religious texts and no trace of it can be found before the period of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar. The oldest report of this ritual is written by Etemad-ol-Saltaneh in his memoirs from the ninth of Muharram 1300 (Etemad-ol-Saltaneh, 2006: 203-204). Mostofi, one of the statesmen of the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods, also gave a critical account of the forty-first pulpit ritual, considering it to have no religious or hadith basis and due to the Iranians' respect for pre-Islamic light. (Baghi, quoted by Mostofi, 1324, vol. 1, pp. 406-408).   2. Methodology To the best knowledge of the authors, 41 menbar in Shahreza is not studied so far. Here, for the first time, we are trying to collect field data about holding this ritual in Shahreza city through interviews with local knowledgeable people. Then, using the library resources, we can identify the presence of this ritual in other parts of Iran and make a comparative comparison of how this ritual is held in Shahreza and different parts of Iran. In comparative comparison, the aim is to examine and categorize the similarities and differences of this ritual both in terms of form and content in different places.   3. Discussion Shahreza Shahreza city center and the center of Shahreza city central part is located 410 km (aerial) south of Tehran and 74 km southeast of Isfahan on the way from Isfahan to Abadeh and Shiraz at 32 degrees and 30 minutes latitude and 51 degrees and 52 minutes longitude. . Shahreza used to be called "Qomsheh". In 1926, the name of this city was changed from Qomsheh to Shahreza. (Afshar Sistani, 2003, p. 437) The city one of the religious cities of Iran with its Shiite Islamic culture. As the holding of rituals and rituals of Muharram in various forms with a long history remains today. There are reports in a number of travelogues about how Muharram mourning rituals are held in Qomsheh. The Hungarian orientalist Vamberi participated in one of the mourning rituals of Qomsheh in 1279 AH (1862 AD) and described how the processions of breastfeeding. (Vambery, 1993, p. 106) One of the mourning rituals of Muharram in Shahreza is forty-one pulpits. A ritual that is performed from noon on Tasoa day to sunset by lighting candles in forty-one holy places. "Pulpit" is a term that refers to holy places such as shrines, shrines, mosques, husseiniyahs or places that have long been the place of "shrine". The participants of the forty-one pulpit ritual go to forty-one pulpits according to a predetermined path.  Participants in the ritual have been preparing candles and moving chocolates since the days before Tasua. On the day of the ritual, most people carry bags and backpacks that contain candles and problems. In each of the pulpits, the owner of the pulpit or the person in charge of it has specified or installed a place for lighting candles. Next to the place to light the candle, there is a container for pouring the problem solvers. At each pulpit, participants light one of their candles and drop some problem-solving packages at the designated location. Along the way from one pulpit to another pulpit, people welcome participants with tea, syrup and votive offerings. Many women and children in this path receive problem-solving packages as a blessing from the participants. Along the path of the pulpits, it must be done on foot and sometimes barefoot. According to the quotations, in the past, the first pulpit of Imamzadeh "Shah Seyyed Ali Akbar" was located in a village of the same name, but today it has been removed from the pulpits due to the distance. However, sometimes some people still go there by vehicle and perform the ritual. The second pulpit is a step called Khajeh Khezr and after that the third pulpit is the tomb of Seyedeh Khatoon. Khajeh Khezr footpath is located in the east of Shahreza city and in Arshabad desert. This place is a fenced garden where a building can be seen. Inside this building, there is an altar made of azure clay tiles and below it, there is a human right footprint on a stone. This footprint is attributed to the ever-living Prophet Hazrat Khajeh Khidr. The tomb has a large courtyard around which several rooms have been built and the tomb itself has a shrine and a simple shrine. Inside the shrine and in the eastern part of it, there is another place where there are two graves where two members of Al-Muzaffar are buried. (Jamali, 1995, pp. 141-142) Although there is no report on the holding of the forty-first pulpit ritual in Shahreza, but various sources have mentioned about this ritual or similar rituals in other cities of Iran. In this report, we have tried to consider the three main elements of marching from pulpit to pulpit, donating sweets and lighting candles as the main criteria of similarity. The reported cases are different from what is being done in Shahreza, but the similarities are so great that one can basically consider them all the same. For example, Sir Percy Sykes, who held various positions in Iran from 1312 to 1336 AH, reported in his memoirs of the candle lighting ritual in a hexagonal column in the main square of Yazd. He says that the Muslims of Yazd and Kashan remember this ritual from their Zoroastrian ancestors (Sykes, 1397: 501), but does not directly refer to the ritual of forty pulpits. In Kerman, forty pulpits were taken in houses with old trees. For example, in the house of the plane trees next to the Malek Mosque, local youths were appointed to light candles, and people brought dates, figs, and sweets there with candles. (Agha Abbasi, 1391: 437). There are also reports of not exactly the same, but similar rituals. For example, in some areas of Gilan, there is a similar ritual called forty bowls or forty plates in which it is not necessary to light a candle. In this ritual, which is held on the night of Ashura, the voter goes to forty pillars or forty mosques and picks up some rice from forty congregations or forty bowls. This pilaf is eaten only by its collector (Payende, 1976, pp. 191-192). In Tehran, this ritual has been mentioned in reports and memoirs with forty-one pulpits or forty pulpits. In his memoirs, Etemad al-Satna mentions the ritual somewhere in the forty pulpits and somewhere in the forty-one pulpits. In Birjand, the ritual of seven pulpits is held in the evening of Tasua and Ashura (Rezaei, 2002, p. 477). In Kashan, forty pulpits is called "candle lighting" and performed by men and women. Hours before sunset on the day of Tasoa, the vows and those who are interested in participating in this ritual hold 72 candles in memory of the 72 martyrs of Ashura and perform ablution, purification in shrines, mosques, etc. In Lorestan, black-clad and masked girls with bare feet go around the mourning rituals and husseiniyahs of the city as a group from the first morning of Ashura and light a candle with different intentions, especially in fortune-telling in every meeting and mourning rituals (Yavari, 2009, p. 94). In some parts of Ardabil, 40 candles are lit in 40 mosques, and when some of the pan water is lit, they bring the mosque with them for blessing and healing, and in some areas, this ritual is performed with 41 or 42 candles (Shoaa et al., 2013, p. 77). This ritual is performed in Zanjan on the third day of the martyrdom of Imam Hussein and after the women's fasting ritual. In this shrine, a large assembly with 50 lit candles is placed in the middle of the room and another assembly containing some wheat is placed next to it. The women who take part in the ritual turn off each lit candle and take it with them for blessing, as well as put a few grains of wheat in their mouths for healing (Shoaa et al., 2013, p. 77). In the ritual of forty pulpits in northern Iran, those who have had prayers in their homes during the year, on the night of Ashura, take out a pulpit with two or three steps and sometimes a table or a stool on which the Rozah is recited, and draw black or green cloths on it and next to the house. they let. Then they place a pan or tray or similar container in which they have made a clay flower a few centimeters in diameter to place the candle. A container containing some rice is also placed next to the tray (Darya Gasht, 1996, pp. 113-114) (Parto, Keshvardoost, 1993, pp. 149-150).   4. Conclusion The analysis of this comparative study results in the following: 1. There is a difference in the time of performance (whether in terms of which day of Muharram the ritual is performed or in what hours of the day and night it is done) in different regions of Iran. For example, in Gilan and Mazandaran, Ashura night rituals are performed, and in Birjand, the development of Tasua and Ashura. 2. The gender of the performers is different between men and women in different places. In Shahreza, the main performers are men and in Birjand, women. 3. The number of pulpits varies. In Boroujerd, the ritual is performed with forty pulpits and in Birjand with seven pulpits. 4. Donations are varied and include chocolate, dates and even rice. 5. The ritual has the aspect of making a vow in all cases, and this vow is accompanied by mourning. This mourning is related to the Ashura event and the martyrdom of Imam Hussein (AS) everywhere in Iran, which is the most important mourning for the Shiites. 6. Two elements of sweets (in the form of chocolate, dates, etc.) and fire (candles, lanterns, etc.) are observed in all cases. It is even possible to consider donating sweets to the fire as the theme of the ritual.}, keywords = {Moharam Mourning,Tasou'a,Shahreza,41-Menbari}, title_fa = {پژوهش تطبیقی بر مراسم چهل و یک منبری شهرضا}, abstract_fa = {آئین‌های عاشورایی و مراسم عزاداری ماه محرم در نواحی مختلف ایران به اشکال گوناگون برگزار می‌شود. برپایی هر کدام از این آئین‌ها بسته به روزهای ماه محرم متفاوت است. روز نهم ماه محرم، تاسوعا، به نوبه خود آئین‌های خاصی دارد. یکی از آئین‌های روز تاسوعا مراسم «چهل و یک منبری» است که در شهرهای مختلف ایران با تفاوت‌هایی برگزار می‌گردد. «شهرضا» واقع در حدود 70 کیلومتری جنوب شرقی اصفهان یکی از شهرهایی است که در آن در روز تاسوعا مراسم چهل و یک منبری همچنان برقرار است.انجام این مراسم در شهرضا تا کنون در هیچ منبعی ذکر نشده‌است. در این پژوهش سعی بر آن است تا در ابتدا مردم‌نگاری و مکان یابی این آئین در به صورت مبسوط در شهر شهرضا بررسی و سپس به مقایسۀ تطبیقی آن از لحاظ نام، نمادها و چگونگی اجرا با دیگر مناطق ایران پرداخته شود. برای بررسی نحوه برگزاری چهل و یک منبری در شهرضا از پژوهش میدانی با مصاحبه از اهالی محل و مشاهده مشارکتی پژوهشگران، و برای یافتن چگونگی برگزاری این مراسم در دیگر نقاط ایران از منابع کتابخانه‌ای استفاده شده‌است.}, keywords_fa = {عزاداری ماه محرم,تاسوعا,چهل و یک منبری,شهرضا}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2849.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2849_a7b6e0f89521730acd2a717ff3538cdc.pdf} } @article { author = {Tayybi, Seyyed Mohammad and Asadi, Mehdi}, title = {Medicine during the Afsharid and Zand Dynasties(1735/1794)}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {191-213}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2020.14935.1981}, abstract = {1.Introduction Medical Sciences is considered as one of the most important characteristics of culture and civilization which passed many ups and downs in its lifetime. Afsharid and Zand dynasties ruled during one of the most critical periods of Iranian history. Repeating internal and international wars weakened all the governmental structures and the social life. However, during this time, the European progressed very fast in terms of scientific developments, including medicine and Iranian passed just the opposite way. Despite such a chaotic situation that influenced the scientific and cultural atmosphere of the country, we witness the presence of some medicine men, who are, in fact, the last generation of Iranian outstanding medicine men. These medicine men carried out many important services in medical area like educating numerous students. Inspired by Indian medicine, these doctors, who were trained in the school of great Iranian physicians, added to the richness of their former teachings. Recognition of diseases and attention to its treatment based on experimental principles and mental state and principles of proper nutrition in the treatment of patients, is one of the points of medical attention of this period. One of the points to consider in the medical life of this period was the widespread presence of European physicians and their competition with Iranian physicians in the field of politics and government. These competitions started from the Safavid era and continued during this period. The great proximity of Iranian physicians to the kings of this period showed their superiority over foreign rivals.   2. Methodology Applying a descriptive-analytical method and by analyzing different texts, this study seeks to introduce Iranian and foreign medicine men and their comparison in terms of explaining the Iranian medical practice and medical condition in this period.   3. Discussion Results of the research show that in spite of the decline of Islamic culture and civilization in medical area, we witness the presence of the last famous Iranian medicine men whose prominence went beyond the borders of Iran. Different ways of treating diseases, specially emphasizing on psychological issues and writing multiple medical books and their ability in comparison with European doctors who resided in Iran are the most important (Assef, 1969, p.139) Physicians of this period, such as Alavi Khan, were among the most famous physicians of their time and even after their time, and their fame spread to the borders of India Paying attention to the psychological aspects of patients and applying the correct principles of nutrition by them, especially the treatment of various diseases of Nader Shah Afshar and writing several books in the field of medicine and knowledge of herbal medicines and training of students all show the high position of this sage in medicine. Was. (lbid: p. 145).  The challenges and efforts of Iranian physicians compared to European physicians who came to Iran in the form of religious, political and commercial delegations during this period, show the relative superiority of Iranian physicians in diagnosing and treating diseases. European physicians who came to Iran through various East India companies and were recruited to the court in various ways for political influence, according to the data of this period, did not have a correct understanding of medicine and were treated only with the use of some new pain killers (Bazin,1961 P. 29, 75).  And their only purpose was to increase the commercial interests of these companies. Diseases such as cholera, plague, and malaria were more prevalent during the period in question. Due to the weaknesses of the political structure of the governments of the time and their inattention to the disease, the people had no choice but to flee and migrate from the place of the disease. During this period, especially the plague in Zandieh period, many people suffered casualty (Navai. 1997, p. 83).   4. Conclusion Numerous compilations of some Iranian medicine men in this period and their comparison in terms of treating diseases with European doctors present in Iran confirm the superiority of Iranians in diagnosing and treating different diseases. Presence of Iranian doctors in the Indian Court of the Gurkanis due to the wide presence of Europeans in that country is another point of this claim. Iranian physicians of this period had a special emphasis on the experimental and psychological issues of patients. Attention to psychological issues in the treatment of diseases and emphasis on maintaining the peace of mind of patients were among the issues of concern for physicians of this period. Attention to other medical issues, especially the careful study of patients 'symptoms and experimental activities in this field, including the observation of patients' urine, shows the importance of experimental topics in the treatment of diseases of this period. An combination of Indian and Iranian drugs indicates the convergence between Indian and Iranian medicine. At this time, we are also witnessing the presence of Western medical claimants in Iran. However, their medical science was in its infancy and they did not have a significant advantage over Iranian medical knowledge and sometimes they were surprised by the herbal medicines of this period in the rapid treatment of diseases. Despite this practice, their orientalist view and emphasis on the superiority of the West over the East, especially in the field of medicine, is very much seen among the works of Westerners at that time and scholars of the later period; Therefore, their resources should be used with caution.}, keywords = {Afsharid dynasty,Zand dynasty,Iranian medicine men,European medicine men,Diseases}, title_fa = {طب و طبابت در عهد سلسله‌های افشاریه و زندیه (1148 هـ .ق/1735.م.-1209 هـ .ق/1794م)}, abstract_fa = {دوران سلسله‌های افشاریه و زندیه یکی از بحرانی‌ترین ادوار تاریخ ایران اسلامی است. وقوع جنگ‌های مکرّر داخلی و خارجی، اسباب ضعف تمامی ساختارهای حکومتی و حیات اجتماعی را سبب گردید. این در حالی بود که اروپائیان در این زمان با سرعت بسیار در جهت پیشرفت علمی از جمله در حیطه پزشکی حرکت و ایرانیان نیز مسیر عکس آن را طی می‌نمودند. به ‌رغم چنین وضعیّت نابسامانی که حیات علمی و فرهنگی کشور نیز متأثر از آن بود، در این دوران شاهد نمود معدودی از پزشکانی هستیم که در واقع آخرین نسل پزشکان مطرح ایران محسوب می‌شوند. تشخیص دقیق بیماریها به صورت نظری و عملی و شیوه‌های درمان آن و برتری داشتن در برابر برخی پزشکان اروپایی که در ایران این عهد حضور داشتند، از نکات بسیار مهم پزشکی این دوره است. مقاله حاضر با روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی درصدد معرفی اطبای ایرانی و فرنگی و مقایسۀ آنان در امر طبابت و تشریح دقیق وضعیت پزشکی این دوره است. نتایج پژوهش نشان از حضور آخرین نسل پزشکان نامدار ایران در این دوره و برتری برخی از پزشکان ایرانی در تشخیص و درمان بیماریها در برابر پزشکان اروپایی است.}, keywords_fa = {سلسلۀ افشاریه,سلسلۀ زندیه,اطبای ایرانی,اطبای فرنگی,بیماری‌ها}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2850.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2850_74cb69a6f59cd60df53154df39d1bfd9.pdf} } @article { author = {Gilani, Najmedin and Fili, Mokhtar}, title = {Reflecting on the Religious Functions of Sornā Musical Instrument in the Culture of the People of Zagros}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {215-235}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.13982.1934}, abstract = {1. Introduction During the course of history, music has always occupied an extraordinary position among different cultures and nations. Plato regards music learning as one of children’s educational principles (Plato, Book III, 2004, p. 399). Furthermore, the role of music in humans’ every-day lives is quite clear. Whether in ancient times or today, humans have always paid special attention to music, attempting to convey their messages to God through music and rhythmic words. Despite today’s progress in technology, there are still traditions alive among the people of Zagros which are deeply rooted in mythologies; they are connected to a universe beyond the material world and are mostly accompanied by the sound of Sornā musical instrument. Various functions of this instrument in the culture of the people of Zagros include martial arts, festivities, providing comfort in grief, conveying messages, promising hope, and mythical and mystical functions such as asking for rain, asking for a male offspring, driving the moon out of the hands of evil forces, and helping to find lost corpses in rivers. The present study seeks to provide answers to the following questions: What are the functions of Sornā musical instrument in the culture of the people of Zagros? What are the origins and philosophies behind those functions?   2.Methodology The present study was conducted using the descriptive-analytical method. Data were collected using library studies, field research and references to the comments of philosophers including Aristotle, Plato, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and Durant.   3.Discussion The nature of music is complex and mystical. During the course of history, man has always had an exceptional outlook towards music. Particularly in the spiritual culture and folkloric and mythological beliefs of Iranian ethnicities, music has always occupied a special position. Sublime instances of music are manifested through different religions, faiths, and ethnicities. Various rituals and ceremonies of all religions are somehow accompanied by a specific type of music. As two ethnicities that safeguard the Iranian culture, Lurs and Kurds have always had a special place for music in their hearts. In this study, seven cases of the religious functions of Sornā musical instrument in the culture of the people of Zagros is examined; these people play Sornā musical instrument in martial arts, festivities, funerals, wedding ceremonies, and other folkloric traditions.    In Lorestan and Bakhtiari, Sornā musical instrument is used to induce excitement and a sense of epic feeling into warriors. Albeit, this type of music is deeply rooted in the Iranian ancient history; in Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, there has been many instances of trumpet playing to announce the commencement of wars. In funerals, Sornā musical instrument would be played in a sorrowful tone which also stems from Iranian ancient history and mythology. What makes music in Zagros region a unique genre are the mystical and mythological functions of this musical instrument in the modern world. People of Zagros would seek help from this instrument in order to ask for rain, ask for male offspring, find lost corpses drowned underwater, and seek shelter from natural disasters such as lunar eclipse. Subsequently, it can be expressed that Sornā musical instrument is an inseparable part of the lives of people who live in Zagros region.   4.Conclusion Music occupies an exceptional position in the hearts of all ethnicities and nations throughout the globe. Ancient civilization and humans from past historical periods have had an extraterrestrial perspective towards music; they would attempt to convey their messages to gods through music and rhythm. In ancient times, there has been an inseparable bond between music and temples. Music has retained its special position in the modern world as well. Though Sornā is an international musical instrument with a variety of functions, it has a special bond with souls and minds of the people of Zagros. This instrument has always accompanied these people in battles, festivities, sickness and health. In addition, the instrument serve mystical and mythological functions in the culture of the people of Zagros which is worth reflecting upon in terms of mythological point of view. One of the functions of this instrument involves conveying terrestrial and extraterrestrial messages. In the past where modern messaging services were non-existent, Lurs and Kurds would convey their messages of happiness or sorrow to distant lands using the instrument. Moreover, they would also convey their wishes and requests to God through the magical sound of Sornā musical instrument; a subject also reflected upon by Nietzsche. The majority of common traditions in the culture of the people of Zagros are deeply rooted in myths and incredibly reflect mythological beliefs, all of which are performed using this instrument. One of these rituals is a ceremony held to ask for a male offspring. In this ceremony where Sornā musical instrument is played, a woman who desires to bear a male child would climb a mountain with a group of instrument players and would ask the sun for a male offspring through beautiful poems pertaining to the greatness and fairness of the sun. The song in this ceremony is very similar to a pray written in Mehryasht. She would also bestow upon the sun a piece of bread; according to Iranian and Greek mythological beliefs, the Sun was the god of music and growth and people would bread and flour upon the Sun as well. Additionally, in ceremonies held to ask for rain which is a common affair among almost all faiths and religions, Lurs and Kurds would play Sornā to convey their wishes to God; a subject that is discussed clearly in Tiryasht. Moreover, the people of Zagros believed that lunar eclipses occur as a result of a battle between evil and godly forces. According to their beliefs, the Jinn intended to curse the moon as a force of God; a subject that is mentioned in Avesta and advocated by Al-Biruni. Therefore, people would attempt to curse the Jinn using music (Sornā) which was considered as a godly weapon. Similar to the people from the South and North of Iran, these people would also use the magical force of Sornā to find corpses lost in rivers.}, keywords = {Sorna Instrument,culture,Zagros,Ritual functions}, title_fa = {تأملی بر کارکردهای آئینی ساز سُرنا در فرهنگِ مردم زاگرس}, abstract_fa = {سازِ سُرنا در بین بسیاری از اقوام و تمدن‌های جهان رایج بوده و کارکردهای گوناگونی (رزمی، بزمی و آئینی)، دارد. اما در نزد مردم زاگرُس کارکردهای بیشتر و متفاوت‌تری دارد. اصولاً سازِ سُرنا، در میان مردم زاگرس، به‌ویژه مردم لُر و کُرد، از جایگاه ویژه‌ای برخوردار بوده و با جان و دلِ آنها در پیوند است. از جمله کارکردهای این ساز در فرهنگِ مردمِ زاگرس، می‌توان به کارکردِ رزمی، بزمی، تسلی بخشی در سوگ، پیام‌رسانی، امیدبخشی و کارکرهای اساطیری و رازگونه مانند: طلبِ باران، طلبِ پسر، رهاننده ماه از دست نیروهای اهریمنی، کمک در پیدا شدن جسدِ مفقود شده در رودخانه اشاره کرد. در این مقاله تلاش بر این است با استناد منابع کهن و استمداد از نظریات فلاسفه‌ای مانند ارسطو، افلاطون، شوپنهاور، نیچه و ویل‌دورانت به این سؤالات پاسخ داده شود که سازِ سُرنا در فرهنگ مردم زاگرس چه کارکردهایی دارد و ریشه و فلسفه‌ی این کارکردها در چیست؟}, keywords_fa = {ساز سُرنا,فرهنگ,زاگرس,کارکردهای آئینی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2851.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2851_84249460b9bfb3f25ae1900a18327bfd.pdf} } @article { author = {mohamadi, Mahdi and Meghdadian, Adel and Tajik, Abolfazl}, title = {A Comparative study of Daiva's Sin and its Evolution in the Stories of Ancient Iran and Ta'ziehs of Daiva's Tying Thumb Based on Six Poetic Verses}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {239-267}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2021.14753.1972}, abstract = {1.Introduction The presence of demons as evil and demonic beings in epic literature as well as religious epic narrations is very abundant. Hence, the demons' story is also considered a style in religious erature. In ancient religious texts, the demon was the main manifestation of evil and the devil's army. For example, in Zoroastrian texts, vicious traits such as greed, anger and aggression were appeared in the form of demons such as Az, Ishma and Aži dahāka. By sinning human beings, these demons gained power and were weakened by their piety. In different historical periods, the use of this word has not been limited to the attributes of vice, but sometimes it was also used to refer to the enemy or all non-Zoroastrians. (See Akbari Mafakher, 2008, p. 53-55). In the Islamic era, the word demon maintained its negative position. As time has passed since the arrival of Islam in Iran, this ancient concept has become more and more intertwined with Islamic texts, so that it finds a place in religious texts, such as taziyehs. In taziyeh, the demon no longer refers to the evil of antiquity and Zoroastrian texts. It is a creature that has chosen the wrong path and not inherently evil. In taziyeh ceremonies, ting the demon's thumb also appears in this form. (See Karami and Parsapour, 2016, p. 73). The demon of taziyeh lived thousands of years before the creation of Adam, and he is depicted as a male, huge and violent creature that has been harassing creatures. Because of this behavior, Imam Ali (PBUH) appeared to him in the form of a teenager slapped him hard and tied his thumb with a rope or a strand of hair. The demon wanders until the creation of Adam. After that, he goes to the service of the divine prophets, but none of them can heal the wound caused by the slap or open his thumb. Eventually, with the advent of Islam, the demon went to the Prophet and at his command, Imam Ali opened his thumb and the demon became a Muslim. This research seeks to answer the following questions about this story. In the pre-human era, what sin did the demon commit that was punishable? What are the similarities between the sins of demons, as expressed in the Taziyeh texts, and the actions of ancient demons? How did his punishment relate to the nature of his sin? During his imprisonment, what process of transformation did the demon undergo that led to his conversion to Islam? In this research, it is assumed that the greatest sin of the demon is oppression and extravagance against the natural world and then his arrogance towards God, which is manifested in the form of aggression. The slap seems to have been the punishment for the sin of arrogance, and tying the thumb, the punishment for the sin of oppression and extravagance, because in this way, the demon could no longer eat. For a long time, demon's life was marked by pain and hunger, His repeated frustrations caused him to despair of his situation and wish for death. His greed and arrogance disappeared in this austerity and rationality replaced it.   2.Methodology The method of this research is descriptive-comparative. In this study, by comparing the texts of the taziyeh of the demon's tying thumbs, a description of the demon's sin and his transformation process is obtained. Then, examines the extent of its compatibility with pre-Islamic texts and its derivations from Islamic sacred texts, by matching it with the ancient heritage.   3.Discussion One of the styles of religious literature is the demons' stories (cf. Karami and Parsapour, 2016, p. 73). The demons, along with the gods and human beings form a triad of mythological thought systems. Of course, demons were not bad from the beginning (Cf. Amuzgar, 1992, p. 16-22). And, they may have found their way among the gods, but some of their betrayals and turning their backs on the gods and associating with human beings made them removed them from the ranks of the gods. The demon also had a sinful background. Anger, covetousness, greed and such traits, practically led the demons into rebellion against the gods. In Islamic literature, there is also talk of demons. This autonomous being is known in Quranic-hadith texts by the keyword of jinn. The general meaning of the demon as a metaphor of the devil, Iblis, Satan, the Giant, the Jinn, the Al , davālpā , Nasnas and other evil creatures can be traced in the oral and official texts of the Islamic period (Ebrahimi, 2013, p. 71). in the literature of religious myths, such as the fiction literature of taziyeh, these jinns are also referred to as demons. The tribe of jinns or demons are themselves divided into two categories. The jinn of the believer and the jinn or the demons of the infidel. The unbelief of demons in taziyeh texts is very similar to those told in the mythological literature of ancient Iran. The aim of this research is to study the nature of sin of demons and their transformation in the myths of ancient Iran and compare it with the taziyeh of tying the thumb of a demon. Mythical demons also have a lot in common with the attributes of vice and the army of ignorance in Islamic traditions. For example, the demon Az, who has an insatiable characteristic and is devoured by the devil at the end of the world, is one of the demons of Shahnameh. In Persian and Zoroastrian mythology, the demon Az, is one of the strongest allies and accomplices of the devil. In fact, he is in charge of the army. The description of Az in Bundahis (Primal Creation) is as follows: "Az is the demon who … will not accumulate and doesn't satisfied if everyone gives him the desire of the universe. (Bahar, 2018, p. 120). From a comparative point of view, , it is not without merit to mention that according to one of the texts of Ta'ziyeh, Imam Ali considers tying the hand of a demon in order to prepare creation for the creation of human. In this way, the conditions of human creation in Avestan texts are compatible with this text of taziyeh, because because in the thought of ancient Iran, after Devil was raised by Jahi, he killed cows and kiyomars in the universe (material world). After that, the battle between Ahuraians (good people) and the devil began in order to prepare the ground for the creation of human. (See Hinnells, 1989, pp. 89-91). Trumad/ Tromti or the demon of arrogance is a female demon who creates arrogance and selfishness, Just the opposite of Sepandarmaz who is a symbol of humility (ibid., p. 45). "Ishma" (the demon of anger (Avestan) aēšma is the enemy of "Soroush") which means the demon of anger and extreme violence and is the embodiment of cruelty. (Hinnells, 1989, p. 83; Bahar, 2018, p. 120). There have been other demons in the mythological literature of Iran. The demon of death (Oshidari, 1992, p. 106), the demon of lust and anxiety who are the children of the devil. (Zomorodi and Nazari, 2011, p. 62; Hinnells, 1989, p. 88). Aži dahāka is a destructive demon and devours a third of the creatures and damages fire, water and plants at the end of the world (Hinnells, 1989, p. 85). Although demons are inherently evil in the mythological literature of ancient Iran, in addition to their own control over their sin, they have also gained power through the sin of human beings. But between the demons of post-Islam and the demons of Iran, the difference is that the demon no longer refers to evil in ancient times and Zoroastrian texts, but is a creature who has chosen the wrong path and not inherently evil. Demon is the name of a group of Aryan gods that were worshiped by the people of Iran (Akbari Mafakher, 2008, p. 52) But gradually they faced the gods of Asura or Ahura and became equivalent to the devil (see Amuzgar, 1992, p. 16-18). One of the characteristics of demon stories in Islamic taziyeh texts is the stages of demon evolution. This evolution is explained in the texts of Taziyeh as follows: He was slapped hard by Imam Ali (PBUH) and his two thumbs are tied by the Imam with a palm leaf or in other words with a hair strand. The slap was so severe that his face was wounded and until he is healed by the Imam, blood and pus will come from it. (G2) Humiliation of the demon is one of the goals of Imam Ali which is stated in this text: I am a lion and you are a lowly fox foe me / O shameless, You are being captured by me now (p. 179). Therefore, in explaining of this research, it should be said that what is mentioned in the stories of the demons as a punishment for the sins of the demon, that is, the tying of his thumb by Imam, is so that the demon can no longer express himself through his own oppression, and this is what caused the demon to repent and eventually be forgiven. This study examines the issue of similarity of Iranian mythical demons, and it determines the degree of similarity and distinction between mythical demons and demons of religious literature, by examining the types of demons in mythological literature and its similarity with the vicious traits in Islam and how the demon repents after being punished for its work.   4.Conclusion The symbol of the "demon" as a symbol of evil in ancient times continued to live in the Islamic era with changes. This change in the texts of Taziyeh which is related to tying the thumb of the demon is mostly seen in the fact that although the demon is a bad being, he is not an inherent evil and is acquired, and he can be guided and developed by being in the right way. The demon has vices in the pre-creation period, so that his greatest sin is his cruelty and extravagance towards nature. The demon stories in ancient Iran and the taziyeh of "The tying of the demon's thumb by Imam Ali (PBUH)" similarly have considered the reason for the limitation of demons to provide the conditions for human creation. Infinite killing, high aggression and demon's arrogance against God were his most important sins that took away the ability to understand from the demon. Thus the demon had become a disorder for creation. Hence, the demon in the story of tying the thumb is very similar to the ancient demons such as Az, Ishma and Aži dahāka and a number of other demons such as arrogance and idolatry. His way of getting rid of moral vices is similar to the way of getting rid of the demon Az, that is, suffering from hunger, which causes contentment, curbs greed, anger, and oppression, and then, it brings wisdom and reasoning in the evolved existence of the demon.}, keywords = {Daiva,Āz,tying thumbs,Tazieh,Imam Ali}, title_fa = {بررسی مقایسه‌ای گناه دیو و تحوّل او در اسطوره‌های ایران باستان و تعزیه‌های شست بستن دیو}, abstract_fa = {دیو در ادیان باستانی و ادبیات اسطوره‎ای‎ ایران مصداق بدی و شر بود. تجلی این بدی در آیین زرتشتی در قالب صفات رذیله و در تاریخ باستان به عنوان افراد منحرف یا دشمن تصویر می‌شد. در دوران اسلامی و در ادبیات سامی نیز همانندهایی برای این مفهوم و نماد وجود دارد. غول، شیطان و جن، امتدادی از دیو باستانی است. در داستان تعزیه شست بستن، با همین نماد برخورد داریم. تجلّی آز، خشم یا ایشمه و اَژَدهاک در دیو تعزیه شست بستن، عناصر ایرانی این مفهوم را تشکیل می‌دهند و روند تحولی دیو در تعامل با انبیاء سامی و نهایتاً تحول شخصیتی دیو به دست امام علی حاکی از پذیرش و شکل و رنگ یافتن این اسطوره در قالب حقایق اسلامی است. این پژوهش سعی دارد با بررسی متن شش اثر تعزیه‌ای که در آن سخن از گناه دیو و تحوّل اوست، میزان تطبیق آن را با ماهیت دیو در ادبیات باستانی نشان دهد.}, keywords_fa = {آز,شست بستن,دیو,امام علی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2852.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2852_5baf1cb008d2fe1cbfdd5b94984402c7.pdf} } @article { author = {Vaseghi, Davood and Maleksabet, Mahdi and Kahdooyi, . Mohammad Kazem}, title = {Teachings of Mystic Treatments in Masnavi Molavi and their Reflections in Sultan Valad Masnavies}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {269-299}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2019.13703.1920}, abstract = {  1.Introduction Mulana Jalal Al-din, is among Islamic world walked mystic, who never leave off Hazrate-Janan demand until his death and reach so many positions and experience in this line. He could guide so many humans in the water and clay world derision, using his alight course, and reached them to the court of nearness to God. Masnavi Maanavi, which is result of experience and meditation of Balkhi clerical mystic, is a complete collection in which, was emerged all behavior learnings as Mulana believes Masnavi Manavi is elder and head of the right seeker, after him. In Sepahsalar paper quoted from him was” after us, Masnavi will elder and head of seekers and will impllent and former of them” (Sepahsalar, 2008, p. 61). Sultan Valad-elder Mulana Jalal al-din child- who was treated in his father –Mulana- ideology, provide with infinite doctorines (love path searcher), by creation the literation like tri- Masnavi (Ebteda Naameh, Robab Naameh & Enteha Naameh), Divane Ashaar & Majmooeh Maaref. Aflaki said :“he wrote 3 Masnaviat book and one Divan book, fulfill the world with educations and truths and strange mystry and make so many foolish Balidan to mystic learned and learned skilled, and express and wrote all his father’s words with strange example and unparalleled similar things”. (Aflaki, 1983, p. 2, 804). Valad reached in new experienced and exquisite positions in Tarighat path and guided seekers following that and his father Mulana and other grandee of Mulaviyeh Tarighat trainings. In this opinion, Mulana words were so eminent and it should be mystic like Bayazid who could get this truths. (Aflaki, 1983/ 1, p. 434). As a result, he made description to his father toughts and exposed spiritual secrets for peoples (Sultan Valad, 1980, p. 472).   2.Methodology Current research which is on library studies base with analytical descriptions method, aimed to show how much the trainings present in Masnavi Maanavi, reflects in Sultan Valad Masnavi’s, and what strange expressions were used by Sultan Valad in it’s description and illustration? At the beginning of every subject, Mulana words analyse and explain, and after that, Sultan Valad views express and will revealed these new concepts from spiritual subjects. In this regard, this study could represent reflection emounts Masnavi Manavi trainings in Sultan Valad Masanavis introduce Sultan Valad more and more to researchers.   3.Discussion Human being enter in Solook route in purpose of reaching intended destination and cognition his spiritual existence, but supreme goal, which is reaching to scarification in Allah grade and cognition survival position, is not possible for everyone. On the other words, Saalek could reach to truth derivation, that is by contravene authority from himself, hearten in divine saints love and walk by these grandee training shining light and pass continuation and maelstrom of Solook route, healthy. Mystics, everyone, manage program for Saalekan, relying on their scientific power and intuition experiences and with this strategy, guide them from matter world perigee to virtually world. Mulana and his following Sultan Valad, are raised different subjects, in terms of spiritual Solook; in this research, some subjects evaluated. 1/ Solook and mortification and self-fighting which included: 1-1: abandon self-will and reaching to beloved court. 1-2: concupiscence and good doings lapse. 1-3: self-mortification necessity. 1-4: Jihan with himself. 1-5: killing himself by God attention and divine view of mature human. 2/ mystic Solook and hunger necessity which included 1-2: acclaim to hunger. 2-2: hunger and mental exaltation. 2-3: hunger belong to divine and gentlefolks. 3/ mystic Solook and solitude and Chele Neshini which included: 3-1: solitude necessity. 3-2: existence in front of complete human beyond of Chelleh and solitude. 4/ mystical Solook and God mention necessity which included: 4-1: acclaim to mentioning. 4-2: mention to let human go from attachment lock. 4-: mention to burnish thought. 4-4: oral mention and heartfelt mention. 4-5: mentioner degrees. 4-6: mentionfrom divine side. 4-7: correlation between mentioner and mention and mentioned. Valad, who demonstrate Mulana tought, try to explain and detail his father words, relying on tought heritage of Mulavieh group and it’s observational learnings, and guided followers by this strategy to divine nearness derivation.   4.Conclusion . It could be concluded, from collaborative trainings of Mulavi Masnavi and Sultan Valad Masnavi, that Mulana believes the major route of self-examination is mertification and self-fighting and believes, one follow his curnal desire, stop from ascension to heaven. Also, Sultan valad believes attention to animal side and loosen divine side of human existence, results human to reman in soil world. Aaref Balkhi believes, soul is like a mouse, which destroy human worship, because contaminate human worship and deeds to affectation. Sultan Valad, too, following Mulana, believes folling concupiscence cause wasting doings. In Mulana opinion, no treasury would reach without ascesis afflication, and Saalek could reach to edification and refinement, when restrain oneself by living hard and moritification. This opinion appeare in Sultan Valad Masnavi’s, too. Mulana emphasize not be deceived by oneself, because never can be sure of his death, maybe if it is possible, continue his deceiving. In this regard, the remedy is Jihad with self, which, is possible with complete mortal attention. Sultan Valad, too, know the continue Jihad with self, in essential difficulties of Solook and believes that complete human could release Salek fromself devil by divine view. Mulana, know arbitrary hunger, among one the supreme Solook principles and try to save this divine soul blessing from overburding and cause it’s flying in divine universe. Sultan Valad, too, following his practical manner of his father, Mulana, forbidden Salekan-e-Tarighat from long haired to secular foods and believe, hunger obligation would make the heart clear and glossy and prepare theophany the beloved saintship preliminary. Mulana and Sulatan Valad know the hunger belong to divine court specialists. In mulana thought, when the companion were inharmony with Salek, solitude is necessary, on the other hand, when the companion were good, Salek should remain beside his sacred partner. However, in complete human view, presence is better than Chelleh and solitude. Sultan Valad, like Mulana, cherish presence by divine saint and believe the solitude should be from strangers, not from selected human. Mulana, knows the God mention, burning the sensual demands and believes that human could discharge the heart from strangers by undertaking mention and released from mental trap. This idea exist in Sultan Valad Masnavi, too. In Aaref Balkhi opinion, mention devided in two type, oral and by heart, which heartfelt mention could discharge Salek existence from stranger. Sultan Valad, too, by dividing mention to oral and by heart, prepare heartfelt so much and believe true Salek should pay from entire to divine mention. Both Mulana and his son Sultan Valad, knows the mentioner degrees different and believe that mention is from God sake and in upper degrees, mention, mentioner and mentioned become one.}, keywords = {Molavi,Sultan Valad,Masnavi Manavi,Sultan Valad Masnavies,Mystic Teachings}, title_fa = {آموزه‌های سلوک در مثنوی مولوی و بازتاب آنها در مثنویهای سلطان‌ولد}, abstract_fa = {مولانا جلال‌الدّین از عرفای شهیر جهان اسلام است که تلاطم امواج تعلیماتش سراسر جهان را فرا گرفته است؛ مثنوی معنوی او مجموعه‌ای است مشحون از تعالیم و آموزه‌های بی‌بدیل که بشر را به سعادت حقیقی رهنمون می-سازد. سلطان‌ولد به عنوان فرزند و مرید مولانا از دریای معارف پدر سیراب گشته و با تجربیات و مکاشفات جدیدی که در عرصۀ عرفان دارد، به آنها تبلوری خاص بخشیده است. نگارندگان در این جستار آموزه‌های سلوک را در مثنوی مولوی بررسی می‌کنند و میزان بازتاب آنها را در مثنویهای سلطان‌ولد آشکار می‌سازند. نتیجۀ پژوهش ما را به این حقیقت رهنمون می‌کند که بسیاری از آموزه‌های عرفانی موجود در مثنوی معنوی در این مثنویها بازتاب یافته و سلطان‌ولد در مباحثی مانند ریاضت، جوع، چله‌نشینی و ذکر از اندیشۀ مولانا تأثیر پذیرفته است. مولانا و به تبع او سلطان‌ولد راه رستگاری را در ریاضت و جهاد اکبر می‌دانند و به سالکان توصیه می‌کنند که سخرۀ نفس امّاره نشوند و در سایۀ عنایت انسان کامل آن را مهار کنند؛ علاوه بر این، عارف بلخی و مریدش سلطان‌ولد جوع را متعلق به خاصان حق و این موهبت الهی را موجب شکوفایی قابلیتهای معنوی انسان دانسته‌اند. در اندیشۀ مولانا و به تأسی از او سلطان‌ولد خلوت و عزلت امری ضروری نیست و مصاحبت با انسان کامل بسی برتر از آن است؛ این دو مرشد طریقۀ مولویه ذکر خدا را زدایندۀ اوهام از خاطر مریدان می‌دانند و مراتب ذاکران را متفاوت می‌شمارند.}, keywords_fa = {مولوی,سلطان‌ولد,مثنوی معنوی,مثنویهای سلطان‌ولد,آموزه‌های سلوک}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2853.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2853_c166db4e8746217fd20972744bc0dd93.pdf} } @article { author = {yousefi, sahar and Irani, Mmohammad and Baygzadeh, Khalil and Azizifar, Amir Abbas}, title = {“(The king) Arrived to the Ditch from Kabul” A Note on Compound of Kabul/Zirang and China/Chinestan According to Kush-nama}, journal = {Journal of Iranian Studies}, volume = {19}, number = {38}, pages = {301-321}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman}, issn = {1735-0700}, eissn = {2980-8766}, doi = {10.22103/jis.2020.14727.1971}, abstract = {1.Introduction Myths and stories are important types of popular literature, and popular literature is one of the main forms of expression of popular culture. These public products have a large share in the cultural heritage of any nation. The deep layers of these stories are a reflection of the culture, thought and imagination of the people. These stories are among the oldest examples of the emergence of human thought and imagination, and among the various branches of popular culture and literature, they are considered to be the oldest human cultural heritage, and “If myths and stories "It should not be the oldest work and the oldest leak of the human mental system, but it is one of the oldest works left from human thought and imagination" (Mahjoub, 2008, vol. 1, p. 121). Myths, epics, myths, and folk tales originate from the collective unconscious of man and are inextricably linked. The dragon is also one of the common elements of myths, epics and folk tales. This mythical-epic creature has passed from the world of myth and epic and, by preserving most of its functions and actions, has entered the realms of folk tales. "Iranian Tales" with two hundred and eleven narrations in four volumes, is the first example of scientific collection of folk tales that has been provided in two decades by Anjavi Shirazi and a large collection of cultural researchers and all researchers confirm the authenticity of these stories. (cf. Marzelf, 1994, p. 106). Therefore, the four-volume collection of "Iranian Tales" of the statistical population of this study has been selected. In general, twenty-one dragons are shown in the statistical population. In ten stories from the four-volume collection of Iranian stories, a dragon appears, and in five stories, more than one dragon emerges. This article tries to answer the following questions: What are the characteristics of the dragon's appearance, food and habitat in folk tales, what actions did the dragon appear in the tales with, and what is his end in the tales.                                                2. Methodology The research method in this paper is library and documentary and based on notes from written and non-written sources. In this study, the four-volume collection of Iranian folk tales collected by Anjavi Shirazi with the letters of Iranian tales, the patient stone doll, the flower to the spruce, and the orange and bergamot girl are examined. The present study uses descriptive-analytical methods to examine the apparent characteristics, feed and habitat of dragons in folk tales and to examine the actions and functions of dragons in tales, and finally this creature in myths To dig.                                                                                              3. Discussion Iranian myths and legends are a reflection of a long-standing tradition in Iranian culture and civilization that has been transformed by the transformation of the barrier to self-destruction and continues to be supported by millennia: “Iranian myths, stories and tales There are ancient beings that include supernatural and transcendental beings. These myths, which have survived from the legend of Iran, reflect the views of the society to which they originally belonged ”(Curtis, 1997, p. 3). The dragon is one of these supernatural beings. In the legends of lands such as India, China and Babylon, the dragon is a symbol of drought, darkness and destructive floods, and in Iran it is a symbol of moral vices and a manifestation of deadly and evil forces (cf. Koyaji, 1999, p. 77). The dragon "in epic narratives and folk tales, is a manifestation of calamity, drought and evil. By destroying him, the hero restores blessings and comfort to the people ”(Pakbaz, 2006, vol. 1, p. 965). This evil creature is a prominent element in folk tales and stories, and provides the basis for the emergence of good and evil. The dragon has special appearance in the stories and is manifested in the legends by the way it prepares food and its habitat. The dragon does not behave in the same way and appears with different actions. The dragon determines the end of his life and finally his stories with his actions. The dragon's appearance, food, and habitat are then examined, then the dragon's behavior, and finally the creature in the stories.                                                                    4. Conclusion The dragon of fairy tales, in terms of its limbs, food and habitat, has the same characteristics as the mythical and epic dragon. Dragons and snakes are not separated from each other in some of the stories. The dragon is described in the stories as majestic, horned, eloquent, fiery, old, black, or green. The dragon has the power to kill humans and its prey with its powerful breath, and this is the feature that makes it a scary and invincible creature in the eyes of humans. Storytellers, like mythical and epic narratives, provide their food in the form of hunting or sacrifice. The dragon of fairy tales is always successful in hunting humans and wild animals or in sacrificing to the general public, but with the presence of the hero in eating Simorgh chickens or eating princes and princesses, it fails to draw the victim. In most cases, the habitat of this creature is either not identified or is associated with water. Wells, mountains, caves in the mountains, forests and deserts are other dragon places in fairy tales. Unlike the myths associated with the two elements of water and fire, the dragon of the tales maintains its connection with the water in the tales rather than the fire. Dragon actions are destructive and destructive in most stories, and therefore the evil dragon is killed. These actions include hunting, fighting the hero, blocking the water, capturing the victim, and enchanting. The battle of the dragon and the hero is rooted in the myth of the battle of good and evil. In these stories, the hero, like the epic narratives, represents Simorgh in the battle of good and evil. By circling the water, the dragon also shows the functions of taking the victim and fighting the hero, which is another manifestation of the battle between the forces of good and evil. The heroes of the stories, unlike the epic narratives that are likely to be defeated, are always victorious and dragonfly. Women and the general public have no role in fighting and killing dragons, and their dragon heroes must be the sons of the king (except for one example), and this thinking is rooted in the beliefs of the ancient Indian and Iranian gods. However, the destructive actions of the dragon make it an evil character, and evil is perishable in the minds of Iranians. Therefore, evil dragons are killed in stories, but sometimes the dragon does not show evil by having passive and constructive actions. Dragons with actions such as supporting and helping the hero or the action of his actions in the stories have caused us to no longer be able to call this creature a pure evil, and the dragon with such actions in the stories is not doomed to deat.}, keywords = {dragon,food,habitat,behavior,Iranian stories}, title_fa = {انگاره‌ها، کنش‌ها و رفتارشناسی اژدها در قصّه‌های ایرانی}, abstract_fa = {اژدها موجودی مشترک در اسطوره، حماسه و قصّه‌های عامیانۀ ایرانی است که خاستگاه ظهور و بروز آن باورهای اساطیری و حماسی است و در اندیشه و خیال عامّه نیز پرورش یافته‌است. اژدها هم در آثار اساطیری و حماسی و هم در افسانه‌ها و قصّه‌های عامیانه ظهور می‌یابد. این پژوهش انگارۀ اژدها را در مجموعۀ چهار جلدی قصّه‌های ایرانی انجوی شیرازی به شیوۀ توصیفی- تحلیلی کاویده است. هدف از این پژوهش، شناخت ویژگی‌های ظاهری، خوراک، زیستگاه و رفتارشناسی اژدها در قصّه‌های عامیانه است. بررسی‌ها نشان می‌دهد که انگارۀ اندام‌وار اژدها، خوراک و زیستگاه وی در قصّه‌های عامه و باورهای حماسی و اساطیری هم‌پوشانی چشمگیری دارد. رویارویی اژدها و قهرمان بن‌مایه‌ای اساطیری- حماسی است که ریشه در نبرد میان خیر و شر دارد. در این نوشتار، با رفتارشناسی اژدها نشان داده‌است گاهی اژدها کنش‌ها و رفتارهایی در قصّه‌های مورد مطالعه دارد که نمی‌توان این موجود را شریرِ محض دانست، اگرچه بیشتر اژدها با کنش‌هایی ویرانگر ظاهر و در نبرد با قهرمان قصّه نابود خواهد شد. این کنش‌های مخرّب در قصّه‌های ایرانی عبارت از: شکار، نبرد با قهرمان، محاصرۀ آب، گرفتن قربانی و افسون‌گری. سرنوشت و سرانجام اژدها در قصّه‌ها با کنش-های مخرّب، انفعالی و یا سازنده‌اش تناسب دارد.}, keywords_fa = {اژدها,خوراک,زیستگاه,رفتارشناسی,قصّه های ایرانی}, url = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2854.html}, eprint = {https://jis.uk.ac.ir/article_2854_74f4ea3fc59134a1f30b06aa5168ff66.pdf} }